Illuminatus Primus wrote: Perinquus wrote:Well then let's not appeal to the actions and motives of a group of extremists in order to portray a certain position as invalid, shall we?
How were they extremists? Is not the existance of stuff like the Interstate Highway System and the Federal Reserve not extentions of loose constructionism? What about Lincoln's Union-saving-stretches during the Civil War?
You were referring to socially regressed, bigoted, theocratic fundies, and apparently using the existence of people like them to make a case that we need judicial activism.
Illuminatus Primus wrote:Perinquus wrote:Fine, then don't pretend to have any respect for democratic instututions. Admit you'd be happy to live in a dictatorship then, as long as you got to be the one pulling the strings.
Strawmen are offensive. Do not place statements into my mouth which I did not speak.
How is that a strawman? I said:
"You can't write off the democratic process because you're afraid the decision won't go your way."
To which you replied - and I quote - "sure I can".
Now what is that, if not an admission that you would be willing to circumvent or set aside the democratic process when it doesn't give you what you want? Such an attitude is antithetical to democracy. And it's also, incidentally,
exactly the kind of thing the founding fathers set up our government to try and prevent.
Illuminatus Primus wrote:This is also a false dilemma fallacy; not every non-democracy is a despotate. I do not believe each and every citizen deserves the quantity of political power granted to them in the U.S. Sorry?
Then as I said, don't pretend to have any respect for democratic institutions.
Illuminatus Primus wrote:Perinquus wrote:And in this country democracy is limited. That's why we have a republic, not a true democracy. Nevertheless, despite the limitations of the democratic form of government, I am in full agreement with Winston Churchill, it's merely the least offensive type of government we've come up with so far.
Then do not be annoyed when checks on the pure representative democracy block the passage of certain laws under their rights. Your justification to the contrary is solely that they were passed under the people's will. If that justification was necessary, we wouldn't have enshrined laws above Federal review.
And the whole point is that the only reason these checks blocked those laws is that the judges got creative in interpreting the constitution, which I think it is a bad idea to do, for while they can do good that way, they can also do bad.
Illuminatus Primus wrote:Perinquus wrote:And the Bill of Rights was ratified to do that. If any other rights need to be added to the constitution, let them be put in by the same procedure we used to get the Bill of Rights in there, not interpreted in by the judiciary.
Ah, I see. So the Judiciary should withhold things such as the Miranda Rights and others? What of the fact that gay marriage bans are openly sexist? What of the Ninth Amendment? You argue that a right does exist until explicitly said. The implications of the Founding Fathers and presence of the Ninth Amendment says otherwise, as does political and legal precedent in this country.
The most meaningful definition of judicial activism is "a departure from the text, structure, and logic of the Constitution." The difficulty in implementing the 9th amendment is how to protect unenumerated rights without determining a final list of such rights and without lending credence to illegitimate claims of right.
The best definition I have yet heard on how to do this is:
As long as they do not violate the rights of others (as defined by the common law of property, contract and tort), persons can be presumed to be "immune" from interference by government.32 Such a presumption means that citizens may challenge any government action that restricts their otherwise rightful conduct, and the burden is on the government to show that its action is within its proper powers or scope. At the national level, the government would bear the burden of showing that its acts were both "necessary and proper" to accomplish an enumerated function, rather than, as now, forcing the citizen to prove why it is he or she should be left alone. At the state level, the burden would fall upon state government to show that legislation infringing the liberty of its citizens was a necessary exercise of its "police power"—that is, the state's power to protect the rights of its citizens.
Implementing the Ninth Amendment
Now how does abortion fit into this? Gee, that's a tough question. The problem is some people see it as a right of the woman to choose what to do with her own body. Other people see it as the right of a human being (unborn, true, but still a human being) to life. Which side is right? Well that's a very thorny issue. Unfortunately, before all the arguments could be weighed, and a settlement reached by political means, the process was halted in its tracks by a judicial mandate, and we've been dealing with this unresoved mess ever since.
Illuminatus Primus wrote:Perinquus wrote:On the contrary, the fact that amendments were democratically put into the constitution to deal with those issues, instead of judicial review being used to decide them, indicates that it was not necessary for the justices to engage in activism in order to solve that problem. It merely necessitated the extra step of a constitional amendment when the regular legislative procedures didn't suffice.
You still do not get the point.
JUSTIFY THAT DEALING WITH ABORTION BY FEDERAL LAW WOULD HAVE MADE CITIZENS AT ALL LESS STUBBORN AND DEFIANT AS YOU ASSERTED ORIGINALLY.
If that was your point, your example was ill-chosen to make it.
But fine. Imagine for a moment that the Supreme Court had decided not to hear Roe vs. Wade, reasoning that there was no constitutional issue at stake. In other words, the court found in unnecessary even to hear the case because it seemed obvious to the justices that there was nothing in the constitution to forbid laws against abortion. Or you can imagine that they heard the case, and still decided that there was nothing in the constitution to forbid such laws. Either way, the problem would have been referred back to the legislative process, for it's a certainty that the advocates of abortion would not have given up. They would simply have concentrated on working through the legislature, on lobbying and so forth, and if this had happened, can there really be much doubt that in states like California, Massachussets, Washington state, etc. that they would have succeeded in getting laws passed that permitted abortion? Quite probably in other states, chiefly in the south no doubt, abortion would still be illegal. There might be other states, not so clearly divided along liberal and conservative lines, where abortion was permitted only under certain circumstances, such as rape, incest, or when the health of the mother is at stake.
In any case, if this state of affairs had prevailed, what we would
not have today is the continued insistence on Roe v. Wade as a judicial litmus test, which has more sharply divided nomination and approval of judges along partisan lines, and this has politicized the court on
all matters, not just abortion, turning it into a mini-legislature, with deliterious effects on domocracy. Consider that in the last presidential election, Al Gore broke an old taboo. When asked in one of the debates whether he’d have a "litmus test" for Supreme Court nominees, Gore didn't just respond with the usual line that he was only concerned with nominating justices who would "apply the law of the land". Gore said he sure as hell
would apply a litmus test, though he continued to shy away from the term. Perhaps in doing this Gore removed some of the hypocrisy from presidential politics; but he also condemned the Democrats to openly be the party of
politicized law. NARAL president Kate Michelman demanded from democratic nominees in the current presidential race a promise to filibuster the confirmation of any court nominee who does not positively "affirm" a pro-choice stance. Kerry and Edwards quickly agreed.
Roe vs. Wade also gave rise to both pro and anti abortion activist movements that are far more strident than they were before, which is why NARAL now has the political clout to demand, and get, from democratic candidates a promise to apply a judicial litmus test. Also, because Roe vs. Wade pre-empted a political solution to this issue, the United States is the only advanced country whose abortion laws rest on no democratic legitimacy whatsoever. In other words, there are no laws protecting abortion rights now. There is only case law from Roe vs. Wade, and if the makeup of the court should change so that the issue is brought before the court again, and Roe Vs. Wade is overturned, there will be nothing. That doesn't look too good if you are on the pro-abortion side of the argument.
And all this might have been avoided if the issue had gone to a political settlement, instead of being decided by judicial fiat. And given the climate of the country, and the opinion polls, we'd probably, indeed almost certainly have legalized abortion now
anyway.