How does that mean that Russia agrees South Ossetia is part of Georgia?
It's so simple, even you can follow.
The Factbook keeps a rather exhaustive list of outstanding territorial ("transnational") disputes. Totalistic rejection of the Georgian claim to South Ossetia does not appear therein, last I checked. Indeed, the implication of the quotation is that it is the specific boundaries, not the overall ownership of the province, that the two sides dispute. Although, obviously, Russia now claims that, within Georgia, there was a genuine enclave of Russian citizens in need of urgent assistance, their rebellion notwithstanding. Personally, I always found Russia's outcry over their peacekeepers much more convincing.
So? It is quite possible to have predictable systems by which actions can be judged without resorting to the legalistic method. Are you honestly so ignorant that you think the legalistic system is the only way to do things?
My entire point, unfolding below, is that your system
isn't predictable, and therefore, isn't even really very moral, despite your call for supporting what one might call "the least violent" outcome.
I'm getting tired of your strawman lies, asshole. I haven't said one word about African states, nor would I leap up in defense of the sovereignty of a place like, for example, Zimbabwe.
Ah, yes, because anybody who adduces examples, or tries to make sense of your logic by applying it to real-world examples, is lying.
Did you or did you not encourage the application of a system that favors solutions that don't involve heavy military action?
By giving the nod to South Ossetia, with its generally homogenous attitude toward secession, its functional government, its own military, and the fact that Georgia has no bloodless method of bringing it to hell, you would set a precedent whereby any breakaway entity would have the implicit right of independence simply because their action requires suppression. How can you not understand this very straightforward outcome from your original position? In your own words, "[T]he outcome that seems to require the least oppression is best." If this is only going to be your position if the breakaway area has "proven" itself with
de facto independence after an initial clash of arms, then say so. (Of course, this still involves huge problems for many countries, since a bunch of them don't really govern at all. Like Sudan.) A kind of one-off rule for civil war -- either settle it when everything originally goes to pot, or you've lost the chance to get your province back.
If this is not your position, I welcome you, of course, to clarify. Which is the whole point I have invited you to establish a definition of your own time and time again. Not that I think I've read the wrong outcomes into what you're proposing.
Once again, you seem to share Marina's attitude that the relative moral accomplishment of a breakaway people or province is an important consideration in their appeal for independence. And I ask you for the third time: by who's scale will we weight offenses?