If the case is that Bush was ill-served by his advisers, and they're the ones who didn't do their jobs, and they failed to pass along information or even held it back for whatever reason, and it's their failure which left the country wide open to attack on September 11, then why didn't Bush fire them?
Failures to pass information up the ladder by the career bureaucracy in the FBI and CIA are hardly reason to fire newly appointed (remember he had been in office less than 8 months and some of the confirmations were still going through Congress) agency heads.
The only top level carryover was George Tenet, and he appears to have at least tried.
Read some of the Commission staff reports. The failures were
structural in most cases and required more than just appointing a new agency head and/or firing the current head.
Staff Statement #12
Looking Ahead
Two-and-a-half years after 9/11, it is clear that the FBI is an institution in transition. We recognize Director Mueller’s genuine attempts to transform the FBI into an agency with the capacity to prevent terrorism. He has made progress. Important structural challenges remain to be addressed in order to improve the flow of information and to enhance the FBI’s counterterrorism effectiveness.
These challenges include:
-- The relationship between headquarters and field offices;
-- The relationship between the FBI, the JTTFs, and state and local law enforcement;
-- The place of the FBI in the overall Intelligence Community; and
-- The respective roles of the FBI, the new Department of Homeland Security, and the Terrorist Threat Integration Center.
Staff Statement #11 covers the performance of the Intelligence Community.
Thousands of particular reports were circulated. A number of very good analytical papers were distributed on specific topics such as Bin Ladin’s political philosophy, his command of a global network, analysis of information from terrorists captured in Jordan in December 1999, al Qaeda’s operational style, and on the evolving goals of the international extremist movement. Hundreds of articles for morning briefings were prepared for the highest officials in the government with titles such as “Bin Ladin Threatening to Attack US Aircraft [with anti-aircraft
missiles]” (June 1998), “UBL Plans for Reprisals Against U.S. Targets, Possibly in U.S.,” (September 1998), “Strains Surface Between Taliban and Bin Ladin” (January 1999), “Terrorist Threat to US Interests in Caucasus” (June 1999), “Bin Ladin to Exploit Looser Security During
Holidays” (December 1999), “Bin Ladin Evading Sanctions” (March 2000), “Bin Ladin’s Interest in Biological and Radiological Weapons” (February 2001), “Taliban Holding Firm on Bin Ladin for Now” (March 2001), “Terrorist Groups Said Cooperating on US Hostage Plot”
(May 2001), and “Bin Ladin Determined to Strike in US” (August 2001).
Despite such reports, and a 1999 paper on Bin Ladin’s command structure for al Qaeda, there were no complete authoritative portraits of his strategy and the extent of his organization’s involvement in past terrorist attacks. Nor had the community provided an authoritative depiction of his organization’s relationships with other governments, or the scale of the threat his organization posed to the United States.
A few analysts within the CTC were dedicated to working on Bin Ladin. One of them had developed a lengthy comprehensive paper on his organization by 1998. Her supervisor did not consider the paper publishable and broke the topic down into four papers assigned to four other available analysts. As an indicator of the scarcity of analysts and the press of current intelligence reporting work, it took more than two years for two of these papers to be published at all. The other two were not finished until after 9/11.
This is interesting.
Neither the Intelligence Community nor the NSC policy process analyzed systemic defenses of aircraft or against suicide aircraft. The many threat reports mentioning aircraft were passed to the FAA. We discussed the problems at that agency in Staff Statements 3 and 4.
Richard Clarke told us that he was concerned about this threat in the
context of protecting the Atlanta Olympics of 1996, the White House complex, and the 2001 G-8 summit in Genoa. But he attributed his awareness to novels more than any warnings from the Intelligence Community. He did not pursue the systemic issues of defending aircraft from suicide hijackers or bolstering wider air defenses.
Looks like Clarke read
Debt of Honor.
Other sections go on to talk about the budget cutting during the 1990's that hindered efforts to improve analysis and sharing. And no, this isn't mentioned as a sideswipe at Clinton, as the Republican controlled Congress passed the budgets containing the cuts.
Staff Statement #9 covers the FBI shortcomings in detail.
By the late 1990s, the FBI recognized that certain limitations undermined a preventive counterterrorism strategy, and it initiated several significant reforms to address them. These broad efforts were focused on intelligence collection and analysis, counterterrorism expertise and training, information technology, and the counterterrorism capacity of field offices.
Yet the FBI’s leadership confronted two fundamental challenges in countering terrorism. First, the FBI had to reconcile this new priority with its existing agenda. This immediately required choices about whether to divert experienced agents or scarce resources from criminal or other intelligence work to terrorism. As the terrorism danger grew, Director Freeh faced the choice of whether to lower the priority the FBI attached to work on general crime, including the war on drugs, and allocate these resources to terrorism.
The Department of Justice Inspector General found that when the FBI designated “national and economic security” as its top priority in 1998, it did not shift its human resources accordingly. Although the FBI’s counterterrorism budget tripled during the mid-1990s, FBI counterterrorism spending remained fairly constant between fiscal years
1998 and 2001. The Inspector General’s 2003 report stated that prior to 9/11, “the Bureau devoted significantly more special agent resources to traditional law enforcement activities such as white collar crime, organized crime, drug, and violent crime investigations than to domestic and international terrorism issues.” According to another external review of the FBI, by 2000 there were twice as many agents devoted to drug enforcement matters as to counterterrorism. On September 11, 2001, only about 1,300 agents, or six percent of the FBI’s total personnel, worked on counterterrorism.
Former FBI officials told us that prior to 9/11, there was not sufficient national commitment or political will to dedicate the necessary resources to counterterrorism. Specifically, they believed that neither Congress nor the Office of Management and Budget fully understood the FBI’s counterterrorism resource needs. Nor did the FBI receive all it requested from the Department of Justice, under Attorney General Janet Reno. Reno told us that the Bureau never seemed to have sufficient resources given the broad scope of its responsibilities. She said in light of the appropriations FBI received, it needed to prioritize and put counterterrorism first. She also said that Director Freeh seemed unwilling to shift resources to terrorism from other areas such as violent crime.
Freeh said that it was difficult to tell field executives that they needed to do additional counterterrorism work without additional resources.
Finally, even though the number of agents devoted to counterterrorism was limited, they were not always fully utilized in the field offices. We learned through our interviews that prior to 9/11, field agents often were diverted from counterterrorism or other intelligence work in order to cover major criminal cases.
The second core challenge was a legal issue that became a management challenge as well. Certain provisions of federal law had been interpreted to limit communication between agents conducting intelligence investigations and the criminal prosecution units of the Department of Justice. This was done so that the broad powers for gathering
intelligence would not be seized upon by prosecutors trying to make a criminal case. The separation of intelligence from criminal investigations became known as the “wall.” New procedures issued by Attorney General Reno in 1995 required the FBI to notify prosecutors when “facts and circumstances are developed” in a foreign intelligence or foreign counterintelligence investigation that “reasonably indicate a significant federal crime has been, is being, or may be committed.” The procedures, however, prohibited the prosecutors from “directing or controlling” the intelligence investigation. Over time, the wall requirement came to be interpreted by the Justice Department, and particularly the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court, as imposing an increasingly stringent barrier to communications between FBI intelligence agents and criminal prosecutors. Despite additional guidance on information sharing issued by Attorney General Reno in February 2000 and by Deputy Attorney General Larry Thompson in August 2001, the wall remained a source of considerable frustration and concern within the Justice Department. Justice Department prosecutors and FBI criminal agents were
responsible for large criminal cases, like the Embassy bombings. The intelligence side of the FBI, though, had the legal tools that were essential for domestic intelligence work, such as FISA surveillance. In this environment, domestic counterterrorism efforts were
impaired.
There were obvious faults in the FBI and CIA's handling of intelligence matters, but there still was nothing known to the President at the time that justified an EXCOMM style committee.
It's interesting to note that the staff reports do mention the formation of Millenium bomb plot team as a result of information supplied by Ressam. If one of the 9/11 hijackers had been captured and was spilling the beans, the two situations would compare. As it is, using the formation of the MBP team to crucify Bush for not forming one prior to 9/11 is comparing apples to watermelons, as the lucky break of Ressam's capture and cooperation didn't happen with 9/11.
Riiight... Team Bush are more competent simply because they allowed only one attack which erased two buildings from the New York skyline and lost 2800+ people in a single day —after ignoring eight months of warnings from six foreign intelligence sources that something BIG was brewing
But you
still haven't proven that 'Team Bush'
were aware of all the warnings. Sure, low level career bureaucrats knew pieces of the puzzle, but the 9/11 Commission's investigation found out that there weren't very many people whose job it was to put the puzzle together.
You're blaming Bush for failing to carry out a complete restructuring of the entire national security apparatus in less than eight months.
And your mention of Pearl Harbor is a red herring, as we were at war in 1942. Roosevelt was a wartime president with wartime powers that a peacetime president simply doesn't have and the Navy was a military branch with military discipline and rules. Peacetime civilian agency rules and procedures are a little more restrictive.
We weren't at war with anyone on 9/10.