White House Strategy on Social Security..?

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SirNitram
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White House Strategy on Social Security..?

Post by SirNitram »

MSNBC Linky.
WASHINGTON - The success of President Bush’s push to remake Social Security depends on convincing the public that the system is “heading for an iceberg,” according to a White House strategy note that makes the case for cutting benefits promised for the future.

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Calling the effort “one of the most important conservative undertakings of modern times,” Peter Wehner, the deputy to White House political director Karl Rove, says in the e-mail message that a battle over Social Security is winnable for the first time in six decades and could transform the political landscape.

The White House confirmed the authenticity of the e-mail but did not have an immediate comment.

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Democrats ‘Party of the Past’
“We have it within our grasp to move away from dependency on government and toward giving greater power and responsibility to individuals,” said Wehner, the director of White House Strategic Initiatives. He called the Democratic Party the “party of obstruction and opposition. It is the Party of the Past.”

But the administration must “establish an important premise: the current system is heading toward an iceberg,” Wehner’s e-mail said.

Bush wants to let workers divert some of their payroll taxes into investment accounts similar to a 401(k) plan. That will require convincing the public of the need for immediate change.

“We need to establish in the public mind a key fiscal fact: right now we are on an unsustainable course,” the e-mail said. “That reality needs to be seared into the public consciousness; it is the precondition to authentic reform.”

The system is projected to start paying out more in benefits than it collects in taxes in 2018, according to Social Security trustees. It can pay full promised benefits until 2042, when about 73 percent can be paid.

Revamping the system to allow investment accounts would not shore up the future finances and would make the financial picture worse. The administration is considering borrowing $1 trillion to $2 trillion to continue paying benefits to current retirees while tax revenue is diverted into personal accounts, called transition costs, the e-mail said.

Separately, to address the future financial shortfall, the administration is looking at plans to cut future promised benefits, by 46 percent in some cases, with investments expected to make up the difference.

“We’re going to take a very close look at changing the way benefits are calculated,” Wehner’s e-mail said.

Implementing the accounts and avoiding the cuts would require the administration to seek tax increases or raise the retirement age, which is already moving to 67.
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I didn't know it could still keep going until 2043, though. I just have one question: What are they basing their income figures for, for 2043? Kids not yet born will be paying into the system by then, so it seems a little early to be declaring gloom and doom.
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Post by GrandMasterTerwynn »

We're headed for the same demographic crisis that all the other developed, industrial nations are headed towards. Population growth is starting to level off, and the median age of the population is starting to increase, especially as each batch of retiring workers can expect to live much longer than their counterparts of from even twenty or thirty years ago. So when you have more people collecting benefits and fewer people paying for those benefits, you start to have a problem.

Of course, it doesn't help that the Social Security trust fund has been extensively raided by administrations past who needed just a little more money to fund their pet projects, or to make the federal budget look semi-balanced..
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Post by Mr Bean »

GrandMasterTerwynn wrote: Of course, it doesn't help that the Social Security trust fund has been extensively raided by administrations past who needed just a little more money to fund their pet projects, or to make the federal budget look semi-balanced..
THERE IS NO TRUST FUND! Don't listen to the freken hype, There is no trust fund, Your money goes strait into the General fund

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Post by Stormbringer »

'FEAR! FEAR!'
One should be fairly concerned about it. Despite your pathetic hysterics there are very real problems with Social Security that need to be addressed. It's not a stable system and people need to realize that it is indeed headed for a crash.
I didn't know it could still keep going until 2043, though.
It might, if everything goes right. And of course we're willing to let it suck up an unholy amount of the national budget to cover the shortfall. The question is not so much how long it can go but what sort of burden it'll impose to keep it going as is.
I just have one question: What are they basing their income figures for, for 2043? Kids not yet born will be paying into the system by then, so it seems a little early to be declaring gloom and doom.
Giving the continued decline there is a very, very good reason to be concerned and pessimistic. Unless in the next few years, there's a major population boom this will happen. A worker does not enter the system immediately at birth and Generation X is simply too small to pay the burden for the Baby Boomes and subesquent generations are not any larger.

Yes a reversal of the population trend could happen but not before the system hits some serious problems. The cold hard facts assure that.
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Post by Guardsman Bass »

Wait, so if the SS Trust fund is raided and/or bullshit(is it?) then shouldn't the system run into shit in 2018 instead of 2043?
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Post by Stormbringer »

Guardsman Bass wrote:Wait, so if the SS Trust fund is raided and/or bullshit(is it?) then shouldn't the system run into shit in 2018 instead of 2043?
It's already running into shit. 2018 and 2043 are date when particular loads of fecal matter hit the rotary air impeller unit. For example 2018 is when the system starts recieving less money than it spends and 2043 is when benefits will have to be cut by the extreme of the demographics.
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Post by Elfdart »

The only crisis with Social Security is that right-wing crooks, charlatans and shysters want to get rid of it and will resort to the smelliest bullshit to do so. The Chicken Little "Social Security is FALLING!" song and dance is just a ruse to swindle people. By the worst case scenarios, SS will do just fine until 2043 (the Congressional Budget Office says 2052), at which point SS will (with no changes from today) pay at least 80% of benefits. These projections are based on very conservative estimates for economic growth rates. Well guess what? If the economy is that sluggish, investing in the stock market is even worse. So unless you turn 65 in a bull market, you're screwed.

This scam comes from the same liars, frauds and hucksters who lied this country into the war in Iraq. They want to do to Social Security what Lynddie England did to prisoners with a glowstick.
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Post by Patrick Degan »

White House Strategy on Social Security..?

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Post by Darth Wong »

Stormbringer wrote:
Guardsman Bass wrote:Wait, so if the SS Trust fund is raided and/or bullshit(is it?) then shouldn't the system run into shit in 2018 instead of 2043?
It's already running into shit. 2018 and 2043 are date when particular loads of fecal matter hit the rotary air impeller unit. For example 2018 is when the system starts recieving less money than it spends and 2043 is when benefits will have to be cut by the extreme of the demographics.
If a corporation could be reasonably assured of not having an unprofitable year until 2018, I don't think they would consider themselves to be "broken". They would acknowledge that something will eventually have to be done to maintain profitability, but I cannot imagine a CEO saying "We might go into the red in 2018! We're FUCKED!!!!! Tear the company apart! Rebuild it from the ground up! Or maybe we should just call it a day and shut the company down!!! GodDAMN!!!! Run for your lives!!!!"
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Post by Durandal »

Stormbringer wrote:One should be fairly concerned about it. Despite your pathetic hysterics there are very real problems with Social Security that need to be addressed. It's not a stable system and people need to realize that it is indeed headed for a crash.
And privatizing it is the solution? Puh-leeze. Social Security is supposed to be a safety net. What good is a safety net if there are times when it's laying on the ground? Tying social security to the stock market is a horrible idea.
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Post by tharkûn »

If a corporation could be reasonably assured of not having an unprofitable year until 2018, I don't think they would consider themselves to be "broken".
In 2018 Social Security starts seeing red ink. In 2052 (or whatever) it runs out of assets to sell to keep up payments. From then until the end time, it is projected to fall short of the income needed to pay out benifits. What is worse the magnitude of the shortfall gets continually worse (it is 27% short in 2042 and 32% short in 2078).

But problems could begin earlier than that. Social security's assets consist solely of US treasury bonds. I'm not entirely positive, but I don't think Social Security holds I-bonds, hence there is a possibility that inflation could wreak havoc by increasing the dollar value of the benifits while leaving the trust fund constant. Aside from that these are US government bonds which mean that redeeming them for cash occurs in only one of two ways:
1. Tax
2. Hawking more bonds.

Predicting what type of tax situation will exist in the US in 40-70 years is extremely hazardous; going back in history we are straddling the Kennedy tax cuts. There simply may not be room in the budget to increase taxes and get more revenue.

Likewise predicting the debt market of the future is extremely haphazard. Currently US government debt has the highest rating of all debt in the world. However investor confidence in the debt may fall, particularly if a massive increase in taxation is expected due to social security. Once the confidence of investors start falling then interest rates are going to start reflecting the risk of default which is really nasty things for governments to look into. That leads to something like happened to Argentina, only there will be no one with enough cash to bail the US out. So if the debt market goes south then you have the choice of hyperinflation or default.



From my perspective the blunt honest fact of the matter is that even if Elfdart is correct, it still means that the return on your money - after 30 years of compounding - is jack didly squat. I'd much rather issue new debt now, when interest rates on it are historically low, abolish the regressive payroll tax, and the roll half the value of the tax into higher income taxes so that the relatively few individuals who do worse in the private markets than they could with social security can still collect basic welfare.


As I've long maintained social security as an investment plan is a Ponzai scheme. If anyone but the federal government set up this plan today it would be dragged to court and the author jailed. As a welfare program it is run in a decidely assbackwards manner and is funded in about as idiotic manner as one could conceive of.
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Post by Patrick Degan »

tharkûn wrote:As I've long maintained social security as an investment plan is a Ponzai scheme. If anyone but the federal government set up this plan today it would be dragged to court and the author jailed. As a welfare program it is run in a decidely assbackwards manner and is funded in about as idiotic manner as one could conceive of.
And you've long been dead wrong. Social Security was never an investment plan but a social insurance plan. It does not and never has superceded private retirement investment plans or corporate pension systems. And as I've said to many of its detractors, simply screaming "Ponzi scheme" all the time does not make it one no matter how much one dearly believes it does.

Speaking of investments:

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The Christian Science Monitor wrote:
Commentary: "Economic Scene: A Weekly Column"
from the December 27, 2004 edition

One man's retirement math: Social Security wins
By David R. Francis
Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor


At the heart of President Bush's plan to sell Social Security private accounts is a simple notion: You're always better off investing your retirement money than letting the government do it.

By doing it yourself, you can stow some money in the stock market, and over the long run will get a better return on that investment than today's Social Security system offers.

The idea is broadly accepted. That's why the administration's plan to partially privatize the system sounds appealing to many. But that better return won't always happen.

Just ask Stanley Logue of San Diego.

For 45 years, the defense-industry analyst paid into the system until his retirement in 1994. But with all the recent hoopla over reform, Mr. Logue, a Massachusetts Institute of Technology graduate, decided to go back and check his own records. Would he have done better investing his money than the bureaucrats at the Social Security Administration?

He recorded all the payroll taxes he paid into the system (including the matching amount from his employer), tracked down the return the Social Security Trust Fund earned for each of the 45 years, and then compared the result with what he would have gotten had he been able to invest the same amount of payroll tax money over the same period in the Dow Jones Industrial Average (including dividends).

To his surprise, the Social Security investment won out: $261,372 versus $255,499, a difference of $5,873.

It's an astonishing finding. The DJIA represents blue-chip stocks. Social Security invests in US Treasury bonds. Over long periods of time, stocks have consistently outperformed bonds. So, you would think that Logue's theoretical stock investments from 1950 to 1994 would have surely outpaced the return on government bonds.

The fact that they didn't illustrates one of the hard truths about stock investing: Timing matters.

Although Logue started pouring money into Social Security in the 1950s and early 1960s, some of the best years for stocks, he hadn't accumulated a lot of money.

So the gains of his theoretical stock portfolio would have been limited.

By the time he had substantial sums, the market swooned for long periods. From 1965 to 1982, for instance, the DJIA made no progress. Logue retired before the real run-up in stocks in the latter half of the late 1990s.

So the real lesson from his analysis is that any pension plan based on stock investments carries extra risks.

Advocates of privatization point out - correctly - that Logue's analysis compares theoretical stock returns with what the Social Security Trust Fund earned - not what he himself would get from the system.

From that perspective, the investment approach looks better, they argue. Over the long run, a typical worker can expect to earn 4.6 percent a year (after administrative costs) on a diversified portfolio of stocks and bonds and only about 2 percent or less from Social Security, according to federal estimates reported by Michael Tanner of the Cato Institute, long a proponent of privatization. Hypothetically, someone earning $30,000 annually would at the end of a 40-year career receive nearly twice as much under the investment approach ($344,000) than with Social Security ($185,000).

Who's right: Logue or Mr. Tanner?

The debate hinges considerably on what people want their retirement system to be. Social Security has always been an insurance program. It was never intended as an investment scheme. So everyone - retirees, the disabled, widows, and orphans - receive guaranteed monthly income. The "return" on their Social Security contributions depends largely on how long they live. Those in their 90s have enjoyed superb returns. Those who don't live as long benefit less.

Private accounts, by contrast, involve far more variability, both sides agree. Individuals who enter and exit the market at the right times would undoubtedly do better under privatization.

But under Britain's privatized pension system, so many retirees are doing so poorly at this moment that a commission warned this fall that widespread poverty among the elderly may be returning, which could require massive new government spending.

Presumably, President Bush's plan would offer the choice to meld insurance and private investment: much less guaranteed income in return for the opportunity - and risk - of earning more in the markets.

"Because financial asset returns are volatile, benefits under a personal account system would fluctuate," notes Bill Dudley, an economist at Goldman, Sachs & Co., a New York investment bank. "On a risk-adjusted basis, the privatized account ... becomes much less compelling."

There are other problems with private accounts. Administration expenses of the present Social Security system are minuscule compared with the size of the benefits provided. The Bush administration so far has provided no details on its private accounts plan. But if these are handled by Wall Street, the fees could be sizable, dissipating some of the return from investing in stocks. Logue takes no account of such expenses in his analysis.

Further, administrative costs and difficulties for private business could be large as companies, big and small, try to deduct the right amount from a payroll and put it into a private account in a timely fashion.

A study by the Congressional Research Service (CRS) notes some complexities: 650,000 employers go out of business or start new businesses each year. More than 4 million employers have 10 or fewer employees, often having record-keeping problems and errors. About 12 million to 15 million individuals are self-employed and presumably would have to send money directly to a private account.

So the complexities of change are substantial. If the extra return from privatization is not very advantageous, "why even consider changes that all agree would be very disruptive?" asks Logue.
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Post by tharkûn »

You have got to be kidding me Degan. You want to compare 1947-1992 to 2005-2050? Back when Mr. Logue entered social security there were over 7 workers per retiree, today there are just over 3 workers per retiree, and when the system runs into problems it will be down towards 2 per retiree.

In other words when Mr. Logan began paying in, he was paying 1/7th of the benifits that an individual got out. Today an individual would be paying for 1/3rd of the benifits. Seriously how many times has FICA been hiked upward over the years?

The reason Mr. Logan made a return is quite simple: Population growth during his lifetime was significant. Due to the expanding population base, early entrants into the system will get substantial payouts. Indeed is highly uncommon for Ponzi schemes not to beat the market for the early entrants; it is only the last individuals to pay in who get a raw deal.

And that is exactly what social security is doing. The people who signed on in 1935 get the best returns the system ever saw. As time has progressed the return on money invested has declined dramatically.

As an insurance plan, social security sucks as well. In an insurance set up the goal is to have a stable system, one which can maintain payouts in all but the most strenious conditions. Social security is not going to be able to do that without serious changes. When your insurance is contingent upon population growth then you have lousy insurance.
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Post by Patrick Degan »

tharkûn wrote:You have got to be kidding me Degan.
You're the one pushing a false premise here.
You want to compare 1947-1992 to 2005-2050? Back when Mr. Logue entered social security there were over 7 workers per retiree, today there are just over 3 workers per retiree blah blah blah blah blah blahblahblahblahblahblah...

The reason Mr. Logan made a return is quite simple: Population growth during his lifetime was significant. Due to the expanding population base blah blah blah blahblahblahblah Ponzi schemes blahblahblahblahblahblah...
Nice way of utterly missing the point of the article. The point was that the entire argument advocating a stock market-based scheme ignores the fact that entering the market is a gamble on timing. I will repeat it for your benefit:
The Christian Science Monitor wrote:The fact that they didn't illustrates one of the hard truths about stock investing: Timing matters.

Although Logue started pouring money into Social Security in the 1950s and early 1960s, some of the best years for stocks, he hadn't accumulated a lot of money.

So the gains of his theoretical stock portfolio would have been limited.

By the time he had substantial sums, the market swooned for long periods. From 1965 to 1982, for instance, the DJIA made no progress. Logue retired before the real run-up in stocks in the latter half of the late 1990s.


So the real lesson from his analysis is that any pension plan based on stock investments carries extra risks.

Advocates of privatization point out - correctly - that Logue's analysis compares theoretical stock returns with what the Social Security Trust Fund earned - not what he himself would get from the system.

From that perspective, the investment approach looks better, they argue. Over the long run, a typical worker can expect to earn 4.6 percent a year (after administrative costs) on a diversified portfolio of stocks and bonds and only about 2 percent or less from Social Security, according to federal estimates reported by Michael Tanner of the Cato Institute, long a proponent of privatization. Hypothetically, someone earning $30,000 annually would at the end of a 40-year career receive nearly twice as much under the investment approach ($344,000) than with Social Security ($185,000).

Who's right: Logue or Mr. Tanner?

The debate hinges considerably on what people want their retirement system to be. Social Security has always been an insurance program. It was never intended as an investment scheme. So everyone - retirees, the disabled, widows, and orphans - receive guaranteed monthly income. The "return" on their Social Security contributions depends largely on how long they live. Those in their 90s have enjoyed superb returns. Those who don't live as long benefit less.

Private accounts, by contrast, involve far more variability, both sides agree. Individuals who enter and exit the market at the right times would undoubtedly do better under privatization.
And that is exactly what social security is doing. The people who signed on in 1935 get the best returns the system ever saw. As time has progressed the return on money invested has declined dramatically.
And since Social Security was never an investment plan to begin with, this is another pointless diversionary argument in support of a fundamentally false premise: the Ponzi Scheme Strawman.
As an insurance plan, social security sucks as well. In an insurance set up the goal is to have a stable system, one which can maintain payouts in all but the most strenious conditions. Social security is not going to be able to do that without serious changes. When your insurance is contingent upon population growth then you have lousy insurance.
Except Social Security is not wholly contingent on population growth to maintain its stability. The only "crisis" truly looming is the fact that the most recent two generations haven't had the same bump in growth as the Baby Boomers did. It does not mean that the population is from 2018 onward going to be going into steady decline. Adjustments in the present payroll tax system and other adjustments to nullify certain irresponsible policies of the current administration and congress can make up for the expected shortfall. The only way that the system falls apart is either if nothing whatsoever is done to fix things or if it is deliberately weakened.
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Post by SirNitram »

Stormbringer wrote:
'FEAR! FEAR!'
One should be fairly concerned about it. Despite your pathetic hysterics there are very real problems with Social Security that need to be addressed. It's not a stable system and people need to realize that it is indeed headed for a crash.
Because we all know that 'Mocking the Administration's hard-on for fearmognering' is 'Hysterics'. Whatever, Storm.
I didn't know it could still keep going until 2043, though.
It might, if everything goes right. And of course we're willing to let it suck up an unholy amount of the national budget to cover the shortfall. The question is not so much how long it can go but what sort of burden it'll impose to keep it going as is.
Right, because the Administration is a bunch of flipping retards who see only two options: Privatization or letting it go untouched.
I just have one question: What are they basing their income figures for, for 2043? Kids not yet born will be paying into the system by then, so it seems a little early to be declaring gloom and doom.
Giving the continued decline there is a very, very good reason to be concerned and pessimistic. Unless in the next few years, there's a major population boom this will happen. A worker does not enter the system immediately at birth and Generation X is simply too small to pay the burden for the Baby Boomes and subesquent generations are not any larger.

Yes a reversal of the population trend could happen but not before the system hits some serious problems. The cold hard facts assure that.
I never said a kid will enter the system at birth. I'm pointing at that, by the time this terrible chaos lurches onto us, a child born today will have been working for over a decade. So yes, any sort of population change will do it...

Of course, if the population of the US continues to decline, the problems only begin with Social Security.
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Post by tharkûn »

The point was that the entire argument advocating a stock market-based scheme ignores the fact that entering the market is a gamble on timing.
Yes but a gamble most people win. There will be hard luck cases, but that is why you have welfare. There is a trade off between risk and reward, the optimal expected outcome is going to involve an element of risk.
It does not mean that the population is from 2018 onward going to be going into steady decline.
Try again. According to the Congressional Budget office the balance for social security will get worse over time. Today the balance stands about .62% of GDP, in 2025 it will be -.64%, in 2050 it will be -1.27%, in 2100 it will be -1.99%. The baby boom is traditionally defined to be between 1946 and 1964. In 2100 the last babyboomer will be over 130 :roll: Remind me again how it gets better?

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That graphic was taken directly from the CBO's website and if one wishes to continue the projected trends it does lead to a perpetual shortfall between the promises of the current system and the money to pay for them.


Call it whatever damn bloody name you like, the current laws project red ink as far as the eye can see. Without an expanding base, a pay as you go system can only expect to break even on your money. All the money going in comes right back out, the only way an individual gets out more money than they put in is if either:
A. The new guy pays more (but that just means when his turn comes around somebody else has to pay even more).
B. There are more guys paying in.

Frankly I'd rather have an investment plan than an "insurance plan". Particularly if the insurance requires a compotent congress and is not particularly robust.
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Post by Darth Wong »

tharkûn wrote:There will be hard luck cases, but that is why you have welfare.
Unfortunately, the same crowd that wants Social Security privatized also tends to dislike welfare.
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Post by tharkûn »

Unfortunately, the same crowd that wants Social Security privatized also tends to dislike welfare.
Unfortunately the people who oppose any from of privitization or investment are the same individuals who refuse to accept that the system cannot maintain current performance.

What is needed is a compromise where a fragile pay as you go system is replaced with an investment system with some form of increased welfare to cover the relatively few individuals who invest and lose.

The only way in hell I see this type of reform making it through congress is if some type of increased welfare covers the losers.

I still can't understand how anyone can think the payroll tax is anything but an abomination.
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Post by Darth Wong »

tharkûn wrote:
Unfortunately, the same crowd that wants Social Security privatized also tends to dislike welfare.
Unfortunately the people who oppose any from of privitization or investment are the same individuals who refuse to accept that the system cannot maintain current performance.
Who are these people? Can you name someone who refuses to accept that Social Security will never ever ever require any changes whatsoever? That's a fairly radical position, far more radical than disliking welfare (which is quite common). I would like to hear who this is, so that I can be reasonably assured that you're not just bullshitting.
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"It's not evil for God to do it. Or for someone to do it at God's command."- Jonathan Boyd on baby-killing

"you guys are fascinated with the use of those "rules of logic" to the extent that you don't really want to discussus anything."- GC

"I do not believe Russian Roulette is a stupid act" - Embracer of Darkness

"Viagra commercials appear to save lives" - tharkûn on US health care.

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Post by Elfdart »

These jokers can't even cook the books right! All their projections for SS assume an average growth rate in the economy of 1.5%. We've averaged 2.9% since 1932, which includes the Great Depression and three recessions that were FAR worse than the one we had in 2000-2001.
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Darth Wong
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Post by Darth Wong »

Shit. Ignore the unintentional double-negative in my last post.
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"It's not evil for God to do it. Or for someone to do it at God's command."- Jonathan Boyd on baby-killing

"you guys are fascinated with the use of those "rules of logic" to the extent that you don't really want to discussus anything."- GC

"I do not believe Russian Roulette is a stupid act" - Embracer of Darkness

"Viagra commercials appear to save lives" - tharkûn on US health care.

http://www.stardestroyer.net/Mike/RantMode/Blurbs.html
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Patrick Degan
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Post by Patrick Degan »

tharkûn wrote:
The point was that the entire argument advocating a stock market-based scheme ignores the fact that entering the market is a gamble on timing.
Yes but a gamble most people win. There will be hard luck cases, but that is why you have welfare. There is a trade off between risk and reward, the optimal expected outcome is going to involve an element of risk.
No, it is not a gamble most people win. They certainly do not win it during periods of an extended bear market or when the values fluxuate wildly. But nice try arguing purely from theory as opposed to actual practise.
It does not mean that the population is from 2018 onward going to be going into steady decline.
Try again. According to the Congressional Budget office the balance for social security will get worse over time. Today the balance stands about .62% of GDP, in 2025 it will be -.64%, in 2050 it will be -1.27%, in 2100 it will be -1.99%. The baby boom is traditionally defined to be between 1946 and 1964. In 2100 the last babyboomer will be over 130 :roll: Remind me again how it gets better?
Uh huh... As for this latest drivel of yours:

Link
Kevin Drum of The Washington Monthly wrote:
December 17, 2004

SOCIAL SECURITY AND ME....Matt Yglesias makes an important point about Social Security framing today:

I'm not sure the older liberals who run the show quite understand how overwhelmingly important it is to keep the "there is no crisis" message front and center in the Social Security debate. Most of the young people I know -- including myself until very recently -- have been taken in by a decades-long effort on behalf of privatizers into believing that Social Security is in "crisis," and that if we do nothing the system will "go bankrupt" before we retire, meaning that the system will somehow collapse and we won't get any benefits.

This is true, and I used to be one of these people too. As a well-informed citizen, I knew that Social Security was unsustainable, that life expectancies were increasing, that fewer workers would be supporting more retirees in the future, and in general, that the program was facing a demographic timebomb that would cause it to go bankrupt within a couple of decades.

This was back in the mid-90s, and for some reason I took an interest in finding out more. So I wrote off for a copy of the trustees report, read up on tax policy and demographic projections, pored through various analyses, and — to my surprise — learned that the problem was either (a) fairly modest and quite solvable or (b) not a problem at all.

Social Security is going to get more expensive over time, but it's not going to keep getting more expensive forever. Starting in about a decade costs will go up, but then, after about 20 years, they'll flatten out. And the size of the increase, from about 4% of GDP to 6% of GDP, just isn't a crisis. What's more, when you start to study the trustees' projections, you realize that even their "intermediate" projection is pretty conservative. It's quite possible that if we leave the system completely alone it will be fine. And even if it's not, there's plenty of time to make the small tweaks necessary to keep it properly funded.

In other words, after actually studying the issue, I changed my opinion almost 180 degrees. Nothing is going bankrupt, benefits will continue to be paid forever, and future funding problems are both modest in size and not that hard to deal with.

Unfortunately, Bill Clinton, Al Gore, and now George Bush, each for their own reasons, have found it politically convenient to use Social Security as a useful bogeyman for scaring the public. The difference is that, unlike me back in 1995, they all know better. It's too bad they couldn't have figured out some real problems to focus on instead.
And:

Link
Centre For Economic Policy wrote:This article originally appeared in The Washington Spectator, March 2000.

SOCIAL SECURITY: THE PHONY CRISIS

by Dean Baker and Mark Weisbrot

We have a chance, said President Clinton, to "fix the roof while the sun is still shining." He was talking about dealing with Social Security immediately, with the economy growing and the federal budget balanced. The audience was a regional conference on Social Security, in Kansas City, that the White House had helped bring together.

The roof analogy is illuminating, but we can make it more accurate. Imagine that it's not going to rain for more than thirty years. And the rain, when it does arrive (and it might not), will be pretty light. And imagine that the average household will have a lot more income for roof repair by the time the rain approaches.

Now add this: most of the people who say they want to fix the roof actually want to knock holes in it.

This is the situation facing Social Security, and it is well known to those who have looked at the numbers. The program will take in enough revenue to keep all of its promises for thirty-four years, without any changes at all. Thirty-four years is a long time--it's hard to think of any other program that can claim to be secure for that long. Furthermore, the forecast of a shortfall in 2034 is based on the economy limping along at less than a 1.7 percent annual rate of growth-- about half the rate of the previous three decades. If the economy were to grow at last year's rate, for example, the system would never run short of money.

But even if the dismal growth forecasts turn out to be true, and the program eventually runs a deficit, it's not exactly the end of the world. For one thing, the Social Security system would be far from "broke." While it would indeed be short of revenue to maintain promised benefits, it would still be able to pay retirees higher real benefits than they are receiving today. And the financing gap would not be that large by historical measures: it would be roughly equal to the amount by which we increased military spending between 1976 and 1986 (a period in which we were not, incidentally, at war).

The program has promised, and historically delivered, a benefit that rises with wages in the economy. In order to maintain this commitment, we may have to increase the system's revenues at some point. Would this place an undue burden on the post-2034 labor force? Hardly. Even if we were to increase payroll taxes to cover the shortfall, the added cost would barely dent 2034's average real wage, which will be over 30 percent higher than it is today. It takes a great deal of imagination to perceive this as some sort of highway robbery by tomorrow's senior citizens against the youth of today.

The simple truth is that our economy is generating more than enough income to provide a rising standard of living for future generations while meeting our commitments to Social Security. That's true even at the terribly slow rates of growth projected for the future.

The gains from economic growth are perhaps not as obvious as they should be, mainly because the majority of employees haven't been sharing in them. Over the last 26 years, the typical wage or salary has stagnated in real terms. So when people hear that future generations will be able to meet Social Security's obligations out of a much higher income, they don't believe it.


What this means is that reclaiming the majority's share of the economic pie is the real "challenge and opportunity of the twenty-first century," to paraphrase another of President Clinton's favorite lines. Yet the question of income distribution has been removed from the political agenda. Instead we are told that we can no longer afford our not-so-generous social safety net for the elderly. It is one of the greatest triumphs in the history of public relations to have transformed this prolonged episode of class warfare into an intergenerational conflict.

Mark Twain once said that a lie can get halfway around the world before the truth even gets its shoes on, and it's hard to find a more compelling example than the lie about Social Security's finances. Despite the fact that none of the numbers cited here are a matter of dispute, the public has been overwhelmingly convinced that Social Security is in deep trouble. According to a poll by Peter Hart Research, 60 percent of nonretired Americans expect Social Security to pay much lower benefits or no benefits at all when they retire. The proportion is even higher, at 72 percent, for people aged 18-34.

Ironically, the only real threat to Social Security comes not from any fiscal or demographic constraints but from the political assaults on the program by would-be "reformers." If not for these attacks, the probability that Social Security "will not be there" when anyone who is alive today retires would be about the same as the odds that the U.S. government will not be there. The latter event is, of course, a possibility, but not enough of a likelihood that most people would plan their retirement around it.

One of the tricks that Social Security's opponents have used is to conflate Social Security with Medicare. The idea is to lump the two programs together as "entitlements for the elderly." On the basis of the last thirty years of health care inflation, it is easy to project explosive growth in future Medicare spending.


But Social Security and Medicare are separate programs, funded by separate taxes. Most people probably do not distinguish between the part of their payroll tax that goes to Social Security and the part that goes to Medicare. But the two programs are financed separately, and they face very different financial problems, with different causes. According to the latest projections from the Congressional Budget Office, Medicare would be solvent without any changes for the next 20 years. However, if medical care inflation were to continue at its historic rates, Medicare would eventually run into trouble.

But this is not so much a demographic problem as it is a problem of unsustainable price increases in our private health care system. Because the fees paid by Medicare to health care providers are overwhelmingly determined in the private health care system, Medicare's financial problems have been driven by decades of double-digit inflation in the private sector. The program could be abolished entirely, but that would not avert the economic problems thirty-five years from now that emerge from a simple projection of past increases in health care spending into the future. In short, past rates of increase in health care spending are economically unsustainable, regardless of what happens to Medicare. These projections make a good argument for health care reform, but they say little about "entitlements for the elderly," and nothing at all about Social Security.

The generational warriors have shunted aside these basic facts, preferring instead to view Medicare's real financing problems, like Social Security's imagined problems, through a fantastic prism of demographic determinism. Peter Peterson-- a former Secretary of Commerce in the Nixon Administration and head of the Concord Coalition-- conjures up frightening dystopian visions of "a nation of Floridas," with hordes of gray-haired baby boomers jetting around the country on senior citizen travel discounts, laying waste to the potential savings of Generations X, Y, and Z. The media have been influenced by these warnings, and we are regularly informed, as in the New York Times, that "Social Security faces a crisis early next century when the 76 million in the baby boom generation start retiring and putting a strain on the system."

But the baby boomers begin retiring in 2008, and at that time Social Security will still be running an annual surplus of about $150 billion (in constant 1999 dollars) per year. In fact the last of the baby boomers will already be retired by the time the system suffers its projected shortfall, even assuming the slow growth described above, at the end of 2034. It may come as a surprise to many readers that the main reason for this projected shortfall in the second half of the seventy-five year planning period is not the retirement of the baby boom generation. Actuarially, the main reason is that people are living longer.

The Social Security trust fund loans its annual surplus, now running at over $100 billion, to the federal government. The surplus, which has been accumulating since 1983, when the payroll tax was increased, will help finance the baby boomers' retirement. That is why the program will not have any trouble meeting its obligations while the boomers are retiring.

So much for the "demographic time bomb" with which the system's "reformers" have been threatening us. With a few selected facts dressed up as surprises --such as a rising elderly population or a declining ratio of workers to retirees -- and an oversized dose of verbal and accounting trickery, opponents of Social Security have been able to create the impression that the program is demographically unsustainable. This impression is false, as would be any economic projections that failed to take into account the other side of the equation, namely, the growth of the economy.


Social Security is our largest and most successful antipoverty program, keeping about half of the nation’s senior citizens from falling below the official poverty line. It also provides about $12 trillion worth of life insurance, more than that provided by the entire private life insurance industry. The program’s 44 million beneficiaries today include 7 million survivors of deceased workers, about 1.4 million of whom are children. Some 5.5 million people receive disability benefits, including not only disabled workers but also their dependents. For a typical employee, the value of the insurance provided by the program would be more than $200,000 for disability and about $300,000 for survivors insurance.

Social Security also provides an inflation-proof, guaranteed annuity from the time of retirement for the rest of the beneficiary’s life. The cost of retirement, survivors, and disability insurance does not depend on the individual’s health or other risk factors. And the benefits are portable from job to job, unlike many employer-sponsored pension plans.

The success of Social Security owes much to the superior economic efficiency of social insurance as a means of providing core retirement income. The program’s administrative costs are a small fraction of the private alternatives: they amount to less than 1 percent of payout, as opposed to 12–14 percent for the private life insurance industry. On these strictly economic grounds alone, the case for Social Security is strong.

But social insurance also embodies a different ethic and a different conception of the relation between the individual and society. The ethic is a solidaristic one, which is different from either self-interest or altruism. It transcends this dichotomy in favor of a collective self-interest that promotes the advancement of everyone.

Most of us will grow old and will, either before or during that time, experience health problems or reduced capacity for work. The ethic of social insurance says that "we are all in this together" and that it is in our collective and individual interest to pitch in and provide for these eventualities and risks. We can contribute when we are relatively young, healthy, and working, and draw benefits when we are not. Some will draw a luckier number in the genetic lottery or inherit wealth or even be more successful or healthy or live longer by virtue of their own efforts or wisdom; but this is no reason to deny the necessities of life to anyone else, any more than we would want our local fire department to ignore calls from the poor, or even from those whose fires were caused by their own carelessness.

Social Security has also become increasingly important in light of what has happened to the other two major sources of retirement income: private savings and employer-sponsored pension plans. The regressive changes in income distribution that have taken place over the last two decades have made it increasingly difficult for most people to save for their own retirement.

At the same time, private pensions have shifted from defined-benefit plans to defined-contribution plans. In a defined-benefit plan, the employer assumes the risk associated with the return on accumulated pension funds by guaranteeing a specified benefit upon retirement. In defined-contribution plans, such as 401(k) plans, which allow employees to defer compensation tax-free into retirement accounts, the employee assumes the risk.

All of this makes a strong case for expanding, rather than shrinking, social insurance, especially if we want to counter the now decades-old trends toward increasing inequality and poverty in the United States. Yet the last two years have seen Social Security on the defensive as perhaps never before in its 64-year history. There are a number of political forces responsible for this situation.

First and foremost are the Wall Street financial firms with a multibillion dollar stake in privatizing Social Security. They don't mind investing in some think tanks and policy organizations who make it their business to convince people that the program is in trouble. Then there are the right-wing ideologues in Congress who have never reconciled themselves to America's largest anti-poverty and social insurance program. And many liberals-- including the President, when he was looking for a legacy to displace impeachment-- have found it convenient for their own political reasons to pretend that Social Security needs to be "saved." More recently, Democrats have been able to use the alleged Social Security problem to fend off Republican tax cut proposals (Republican Presidential candidate John McCain has joined them on this issue-- although he and George W. Bush are have also put forth partial privatization proposals for Social Security). And many Democrats would like to keep the issue of Social Security "reform" alive because it helps them at the ballot box.

The perpetuation of this charade diverts attention and potential resources from more important concerns. One fifth of America's children are raised in poverty. We have forty-four million people without health insurance, and the numbers continue to grow, even at the peak of our longest-running business cycle expansion. Our educational system is failing to provide millions of children with even basic reading skills. And even middle class families are struggling to put their children through college.

It is well within our means to solve these problems-- most of them do not exist, at anywhere near the same level, in other industrialized countries of comparable income. We are currently facing federal budget surpluses for as far as the eye can see. Perhaps we should put these more pressing problems first on the agenda, and leave the phony crises for later.

Dean Baker and Mark Weisbrot are co-directors of the Center for Economic and Policy Research, in Washington, DC. Parts of this article are excerpted from their book, Social Security: The Phony Crisis (1999, University of Chicago Press).
And:

Link
Paul Krugman wrote:Social Security - Inventing A Crisis

by Paul Krugman December 08, 2004


Privatizing Social Security - replacing the current system, in whole or in part, with personal investment accounts - won't do anything to strengthen the system's finances. If anything, it will make things worse. Nonetheless, the politics of privatization depend crucially on convincing the public that the system is in imminent danger of collapse, that we must destroy Social Security in order to save it.

I'll have a lot to say about all this when I return to my regular schedule in January. But right now it seems important to take a break from my break, and debunk the hype about a Social Security crisis.

There's nothing strange or mysterious about how Social Security works: it's just a government program supported by a dedicated tax on payroll earnings, just as highway maintenance is supported by a dedicated tax on gasoline.

Right now the revenues from the payroll tax exceed the amount paid out in benefits. This is deliberate, the result of a payroll tax increase - recommended by none other than Alan Greenspan - two decades ago. His justification at the time for raising a tax that falls mainly on lower- and middle-income families, even though Ronald Reagan had just cut the taxes that fall mainly on the very well-off, was that the extra revenue was needed to build up a trust fund. This could be drawn on to pay benefits once the baby boomers began to retire.

The grain of truth in claims of a Social Security crisis is that this tax increase wasn't quite big enough. Projections in a recent report by the Congressional Budget Office (which are probably more realistic than the very cautious projections of the Social Security Administration) say that the trust fund will run out in 2052. The system won't become "bankrupt" at that point; even after the trust fund is gone, Social Security revenues will cover 81 percent of the promised benefits. Still, there is a long-run financing problem.

But it's a problem of modest size. The report finds that extending the life of the trust fund into the 22nd century, with no change in benefits, would require additional revenues equal to only 0.54 percent of G.D.P. That's less than 3 percent of federal spending - less than we're currently spending in Iraq. And it's only about one-quarter of the revenue lost each year because of President Bush's tax cuts - roughly equal to the fraction of those cuts that goes to people with incomes over $500,000 a year.


Given these numbers, it's not at all hard to come up with fiscal packages that would secure the retirement program, with no major changes, for generations to come.

It's true that the federal government as a whole faces a very large financial shortfall. That shortfall, however, has much more to do with tax cuts - cuts that Mr. Bush nonetheless insists on making permanent - than it does with Social Security.

But since the politics of privatization depend on convincing the public that there is a Social Security crisis, the privatizers have done their best to invent one.

My favorite example of their three-card-monte logic goes like this: first, they insist that the Social Security system's current surplus and the trust fund it has been accumulating with that surplus are meaningless. Social Security, they say, isn't really an independent entity - it's just part of the federal government.

If the trust fund is meaningless, by the way, that Greenspan-sponsored tax increase in the 1980's was nothing but an exercise in class warfare: taxes on working-class Americans went up, taxes on the affluent went down, and the workers have nothing to show for their sacrifice.

But never mind: the same people who claim that Social Security isn't an independent entity when it runs surpluses also insist that late next decade, when the benefit payments start to exceed the payroll tax receipts, this will represent a crisis - you see, Social Security has its own dedicated financing, and therefore must stand on its own.

There's no honest way anyone can hold both these positions, but very little about the privatizers' position is honest. They come to bury Social Security, not to save it. They aren't sincerely concerned about the possibility that the system will someday fail; they're disturbed by the system's historic success.

For Social Security is a government program that works, a demonstration that a modest amount of taxing and spending can make people's lives better and more secure. And that's why the right wants to destroy it.



E-mail: krugman@nytimes.com
And:

Link
Robert Kuttner wrote:ROBERT KUTTNER
What Social Security 'crisis'?

By Robert Kuttner | December 22, 2004

PRESIDENT Bush's entire plan for Social Security privatization rests on the premise that the system is in severe crisis. But a careful look at the numbers suggests that the financial crisis is largely a myth.
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For years, the Social Security Trustees have used very conservative assumptions about future rates of economic growth, productivity growth, and growth of the labor force. These assumptions, in turn, affect the projected payroll tax collections that will fund Social Security payouts.

Five years ago, in the late 1990s, they estimated the long-term economic growth rate at just 1.7 percent. The reality has been well over 3 percent.

Most economists now believe the economy can do a lot better than 1.7 percent annual growth. In its 1997 report, the trustees projected that the system would no longer be able to meet all its obligations by 2029. Just six years later in 2003, based on their acknowledgement of stronger economic growth, the trustees moved the crisis date back to 2042. So if the system can gain 13 years of life in six years, there's not much of a crisis.

But that's just the beginning. In June, the bipartisan Congressional Budget office used more realistic assumptions about economic growth. CBO puts the first shortfall year at 2052, not 2042, and it projects Social Security's 75-year shortfall at only about four-10ths of one percent of gross domestic product. Currently, that's about $40 billion a year, or one-fifth of the revenues that the Bush administration gave up in tax cuts for the wealthy.

Simply restoring pre-Bush tax rates on the richest one percent of Americans could bring the Social Security system into balance indefinitely, without reducing promised payouts by one penny.

The administration uses far rosier assumptions than the Social Security trustees in claiming high returns for its proposed private accounts. The administration assumes that individual portfolios will appreciate at 6 or 7 percent a year.

But if the economy is only growing at 1.7 percent a year, there is no way the stock market will achieve those results. Conversely, if we apply the Bush administration's rosy assumptions to the present Social Security system, there is no crisis at all.

The administration has also been throwing around a particularly hysterical statistic -- that Social Security faces $10 trillion to $11 trillion in "unfunded liabilities."

That figure is nothing but the total long-term payout that the government expects to pay retirees. But we don't calculate the rest of the budget that way. The Pentagon, for instance, spends about $400 billion a year. The Pentagon's 75-year "unfunded liability," at that rate, is $30 trillion.

The reason that we don't calculate budget that way, of course, is that we know government will keep collecting tax revenues and use them to pay its obligations.


Why haven't you read more about this?

First, the Bush administration casts the Social Security shortfall in the most dire terms possible, to build support for its privatization scheme. In reality, that scheme will make the modest shortfall far worse, by requiring the government to go another $2 trillion into debt. But whether to privatize, and how to make up a small shortfall, are two entirely distinct questions.

Second, some Wall Street leaders and academic economists, who share a dislike of social insurance, also paint a bleak picture of the system bankrupting itself and the country.

All this feeds into media assumptions. Indeed, the typical media account of the privatization debate and simply takes the premise of a system in deep crisis as if it were fact.

Finally, many well-meaning Democrats who the defend the Social Security system want to be absolutely that its funding is rock solid. So Democrats, as well as Republicans, talk of its shortfall and offer different ways to make up the gap. Unfortunately, that tends to play into Republican hands.

Republicans are counting on younger voters to support privatization. Polls show that the young have been so swayed by the talk of endless crisis that many young workers doubt whether they'll ever get anything back from the current system. To them, getting some money in the form of private accounts is at least half a loaf.

In the coming debate, defenders of Social Security need to educate the public on just how solid the existing system is and just how exaggerated is its supposed crisis. If they fail to do that, and get bogged down in a debate about how to "fix" a system that isn't really broken, the privatizers will win, and Social Security will be needlessly pillaged.

Robert Kuttner is co-editor of The American Prospect. His column appears regularly in the Globe.
© Copyright 2004 Globe Newspaper Company.
And:

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Matthew Yglasias wrote:There is No Social-Security Crisis

Let’s say that again: There is no Social Security crisis.


By Matthew Yglesias
Web Exclusive: 12.21.04

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Until very recently, I believed, as most of my generation still does, that Social Security was facing a crisis. Thanks to a declining birthrate and increasing longevity, at some point during my lifetime the program was going to go bankrupt and people my age were going to wind up with nothing after a lifetime of payroll taxes. I was -- and the bulk of young people still are -- the victim of a massive fraud, perpetrated by Social Security abolition advocates and unfortunately re-enforced from time to time by liberals seeking an argument against Republican tax cuts. This fraud, which is ongoing and in which a lazy media has been complicit, is crucial to understanding the politics of Social Security.

Democrats charge the president with submitting a plan that will cut benefits and force people to rely on the vicissitudes of the stock market to ensure a dignified retirement. This is true. But if you believe that Social Security is currently headed for self-destruction, it's also irrelevant. Smaller benefits and an investment portfolio that may or may not pay off sound like an excellent deal compared with a pension plan that's going to go bankrupt. It is only if you try to see the truth -- that there is no crisis -- that criticisms of the Bush plan become compelling.

Some Social Security proponents have been convinced by consultants that turning around young peoples' attitudes on this question is impossible. It is possible, and if the program is to be saved, it must be done. For if Social Security is not eliminated in 2005, its enemies will simply try again later. Over time, the older Americans who are currently the bulwark against privatization will die off and be replaced by the younger, pro-privatization bulwark. Saving Social Security means at least getting started on the work of changing people's minds. It shouldn't be that hard to do.

Social Security is healthy and successful. There is no crisis. The president and the Republicans in Congress are trying to scare the American people in order to destroy the most successful program in American history -- a program that presidents from Franklin Delano Roosevelt to Harry Truman to Richard Nixon to Ronald Reagan to Bill Clinton have been committed to preserving.

George W. Bush wants to break Social Security's bipartisan promise to the American people, and now he's making up stories to try to persuade voters to go along with it. These scare stories are based on a pessimistic assessment of the country's potential for future economic growth, an assessment the president does not embrace in any other context. Nor is it an assessment that he should embrace. Instead, we should be working to ensure robust future growth by improving America's health care, education system, and basic infrastructure while devising policies that make it easier for couples to have and raise children and remaining open to immigration from the rest of the world.

But even if the president's pessimism about America's potential proves warranted, his scare stories are not. As this chart clearly demonstrates, even if we do absolutely nothing to change the system or prevent economic growth from slowing, Social Security checks will never stop flowing, and benefit levels will always be higher than what today's retirees enjoy. The Social Security pessimists have been proven wrong again and again in the past, and even under their "doomsday" scenario, the system can continue to exist in its present form while still providing a decent benefit to all.

Young people, though supposedly immune to the liberal message on retirement security, are, in fact, going to be the biggest victims of the Bush plan. The president proposes to offer us a guaranteed cut in benefits and $2 trillion in debt, plus the possible burden of supporting our parents if the stock market underperforms, in order to forestall the mere possibility that benefit growth may have to be curtailed sometime in the 2040s. This is, when stated clearly, a horrible deal for Generation Y, and liberals need to have some confidence in our ability to make our case.

Advocates of eliminating Social Security argue that this is wrong and that the program holds no "real assets" instead of "mere IOUs." These IOUs, however, are U.S. Treasury bonds, considered far and wide to be the safest investment in the world. In times of grave national crisis, from the Revolutionary War to World War II, the federal government has financed its activities be issuing these bonds -- and they've always been repaid.

The president has chosen to finance a series of tax cuts for people earning more than $100,000 a year by selling these bonds to the central banks of China and Japan, and to Social Security. Now he says that he doesn't want to pay back what he's borrowed from my generation's retirement fund. That's just wrong. Worse, what kind of message does it send to the Chinese and others that Bush plans to offer an additional $2 trillion in bonds when the U.S. government takes the position that these are just IOUs that don't need to be repaid?

Faced with current projections, the responsible thing to do is to close the massive hole in the government's non-Social Security budget while thinking of ways to prevent the dramatic slowdown in economic growth that forms the basis of the president's doomsday scenario. Instead, Bush wants to tell scary stories to young people in the hope that we'll panic and abandon our support for the most successful, and most fiscally sound, program our government runs today.

Matthew Yglesias is a Prospect staff writer.
Copyright © 2005 by The American Prospect, Inc
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That graphic was taken directly from the CBO's website and if one wishes to continue the projected trends it does lead to a perpetual shortfall between the promises of the current system and the money to pay for them.
Yes, let's just see everything that chart says, shall we:

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Oops, look at that —the header of the chart seen at the CBO website says "Potential rate of Social Security Outlays and Revenues UNDER CURRENT LAW. That means, to any reasonable person who has reading/comprehension skills, that the projections are what is assumed if nothing is done to change the present laws under which Social Security operates. The "perpetual shortfall" occurs only if the government does absolutely nothing to fix things. This point has been amply addressed by both Robert Kuttner and Paul Krugman.
Call it whatever damn bloody name you like, the current laws project red ink as far as the eye can see. Without an expanding base, a pay as you go system can only expect to break even on your money. All the money going in comes right back out, the only way an individual gets out more money than they put in is if either:

A. The new guy pays more (but that just means when his turn comes around somebody else has to pay even more).

B. There are more guys paying in.

Frankly I'd rather have an investment plan than an "insurance plan". Particularly if the insurance requires a compotent congress and is not particularly robust.
Pity that hysterical bullshit spew of yours has zero basis in reality, has been knocked down by both Kuttner and Krugman as well as Dean Baker, and perpetuates the nonsensical strawman that Social Security is an investment plan as opposed to an insurance plan, which it has always been from day one of its inception.

And as I've asked another person in these debates, I put the same question to you: if the investment plan you've got fails, or some crisis forces you to cash it in early, and that nest-egg you were counting on is depleted, and there's nothing else to make up for it, THEN WHAT'S THE BACKUP PLAN?
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SirNitram
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Post by SirNitram »

Social Security: It'll be a problem in thirty years. If the economy steadily decreases. If the birthrate continues to fall. And if we sit here, doing absolutely nothing, for three decades.

Spindoctoring in action, my friends.

Of course, we could look at how, if the economy slows down it's growth much more, you've got much bigger problems. If the birthrate continues to fall, we've got huge problems. And if the politicians of the next thirty years continue this false dileema bullshit, we're got monumental problems.

Just close your eyes and listen to the nice Karl Rove men. They know how to make you fear.
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tharkûn
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Post by tharkûn »

Who are these people? Can you name someone who refuses to accept that Social Security will never ever ever require any changes whatsoever? That's a fairly radical position, far more radical than disliking welfare (which is quite common). I would like to hear who this is, so that I can be reasonably assured that you're not just bullshitting.
Krugman, writes for the NYTimes I beleive.
Morgan, economics prof here at U of M.

Some of Degans sources certainly read like that.

Please note I'm saying the people who oppose any form of privitization or investment. Individuals who oppose certain forms of investment are the bulk of the populace and economists. Individuals willing to hash out some type of compromise between the extremes are who I hope will prevail.
These jokers can't even cook the books right! All their projections for SS assume an average growth rate in the economy of 1.5%. We've averaged 2.9% since 1932, which includes the Great Depression and three recessions that were FAR worse than the one we had in 2000-2001.
Have you ever heard of a safety margin? Besides which US economic growth following WWII is among the LEAST historic in history, it is not every century that the rest of the civilized world will wage a brutal war leveling huge swathes of industry, killing off entire generations worth of productive workers and go into massive hoc to you to pay for the pleasure. I might throw in the potential global economic retardants of global warming, the ever rising price of oil, or even an incompotent president who dicks over the economy. While no one can predict the exact impact any of these major economic concerns will have, they are reason to follow sound egineering principles when desiging the system to err on the side of caution.

This is my biggest problem with a pay as you go system. The only way to make up for a problem like prolonged recession caused by global warming would be to increase taxation or float debt. Assuming that both of these options are always going to be viable is a bad idea. Investment gives the system more breathing room, which is why virtually every private entity that offers retirement funds opts NOT to establish a pay as you go system. Indeed most private systems have room to add a decent PROFIT on top of the system because it performs better.


No, it is not a gamble most people win. They certainly do not win it during periods of an extended bear market or when the values fluxuate wildly. But nice try arguing purely from theory as opposed to actual practise.
Obviously investing in the stock market for your retirement is a bad idea because an extended bear market of wildly fluxuating values is much less efficient than investing in bonds. This is why every reputable retirement management firm abhors stock investment and encourages prospective retirees to only invest in bonds. Likewise corporate retirement plans hold no stocks because the risk is too great :roll:

Wildly fluxuating values? Sell out over a long period of time thus such swings will be averaged out.

A protracted bear market? Is offset by a protracted bull market and during that period in time the government will collect more revenue.

It is not like a pay as you go system has no worries on the flip side. Protracted high unemployment? Oh damn falling revenue with steady or growing outlays.

Or how about a real shocker, falling wages? Long term decrease in revenue, real winner there.

I have few problems with a government run investment program so that the program can actually compound interest at something better than treasury rates and use its size and longevity to average out market flucuations.

Uh huh... As for this latest drivel of yours:


Allow me to refresh:
You: " The only "crisis" truly looming is the fact that the most recent two generations haven't had the same bump in growth as the Baby Boomers did. "

Me: The fiscal crisis gets worse after the baby boomers are dead and gone.

A full hundred years from now the system has a shortfall and the trendline is for an INCREASING shortfall as time goes on.

Now for your sources:
Social Security is going to get more expensive over time, but it's not going to keep getting more expensive forever. Starting in about a decade costs will go up, but then, after about 20 years, they'll flatten out.
BS. The actual source material from the CBO says otherwise, after 2055 the costs will slowly rise.
What's more, when you start to study the trustees' projections, you realize that even their "intermediate" projection is pretty conservative. It's quite possible that if we leave the system completely alone it will be fine. And even if it's not, there's plenty of time to make the small tweaks necessary to keep it properly funded.
Small tweaks? In other words leave alone for now and then when you have less time for things interest compounding, possibly a worse global economy
It may come as a surprise to many readers that the main reason for this projected shortfall in the second half of the seventy-five year planning period is not the retirement of the baby boom generation. Actuarially, the main reason is that people are living longer.
Oh yes the only problem is the baby boom :roll:
But it's a problem of modest size. The report finds that extending the life of the trust fund into the 22nd century, with no change in benefits, would require additional revenues equal to only 0.54 percent of G.D.P. That's less than 3 percent of federal spending - less than we're currently spending in Iraq. And it's only about one-quarter of the revenue lost each year because of President Bush's tax cuts - roughly equal to the fraction of those cuts that goes to people with incomes over $500,000 a year.
In other words in order to fund the benifits of people who paid in now, the future workers will have to pay in more. What Krugman implicitly grants here is that in order to maintain the same level of benifits, workers of the future will have TO BE TAXED MORE.

As I said before if a pay as you go system is going to give a positive return you have two options:
1. Have an expanding base of people paying in.
2. Have the new guys pay in more.
These IOUs, however, are U.S. Treasury bonds, considered far and wide to be the safest investment in the world. In times of grave national crisis, from the Revolutionary War to World War II, the federal government has financed its activities be issuing these bonds -- and they've always been repaid.
Sigh, as I noted before bonds carrying their own risks ... notably inflation. Unless social security is sitting on nothing but I-bonds (and making far less in interest) you run the risk that those bonds will lose real value to inflation. Also the problem of general default cannot be overlooked. One can talk about how the deficit is Bush's fault all you like, but the debt market has to remain stable for the next 50 years out. Assuming that past performance is an indicator of future returns, particularly given the fiscal stupidity congress spews out these days, is not my idea of a robust system.

Oops, look at that —the header of the chart seen at the CBO website says "Potential rate of Social Security Outlays and Revenues UNDER CURRENT LAW. That means, to any reasonable person who has reading/comprehension skills, that the projections are what is assumed if nothing is done to change the present laws under which Social Security operates. The "perpetual shortfall" occurs only if the government does absolutely nothing to fix things.
Notice the bloody trendlines Degan. Outlays are on a slow rise, due to greater longevity if nothing else. Krugman's solution is quite simple: ask the new guy to pay in more.
has been knocked down by both Kuttner and Krugman
Krugman's "solution" is option A. Wait until the problem cannot be ignored, then increase the funding to social security either threw general budget outlays or increases increases in the assbackwards payroll tax.

Who cares what you call the system? Private insurance companies manage to continue to pay out claims even if their customer base shrinks, they do so with, as your own article cites, with 10x higher administrative costs, and to top it all off they turn a profit. That is a robust insurance system. How do they manage to do that? By investing the money they take in as premiums until they pay it out as claims. Show me a single damn private insurer, profit/nonprofit I care not, who operates their insurance in this manner and I'll conceed that you might have a damn point here.
the investment plan you've got fails, or some crisis forces you to cash it in early, and that nest-egg you were counting on is depleted, and there's nothing else to make up for it, THEN WHAT'S THE BACKUP PLAN?
Let me ask you a question. You have a pay as you go system, you have no assets, population growth is near zero and there is a precipitious surge in unemployment that last long term. THEN WHAT'S THE BACKUP PLAN? Or let's suppose you have several trillion socked away in bonds to cover an impending shortfall, but inflation triggerd by an oil shock eats away at their value. WHAT'S THE BACKUP PLAN?

It doesn't matter if you have a pay as you go system or an investment system, there dangers that can screw over either. The pay as you go system shines when you have a high rate of population growth, which is why it could even manage to outperform the stock market. But with a stable population both systems have weaknesses. The difference is that an ideal stable pay as you go system breaks even, an ideal investment system accrues interest.

"Cashing in early" is BS. In an investment plan you AT LEAST HAVE THE OPTION to do so. In a pay as you go system, even if you have valid fiscal reasons to cash out early you can't do so. So please stop relabeling a strength of an investment system (that one has the option to cash out early if needed) as a weakness.

But what is the backup plan? Well the likely compromise I see coming out of Washington is for either government regulated and insured accounts or a government investment program (rather than individual accounts). Essentially part of the superior interest made through investment will be taxed, hopefully not in the assbackwards regressive manner of payroll taxes, and that will be used to cover those few individuals who fail to make average returns. Regulations would prohibit obvious losing strategies like all your eggs in one basket or not slowly cashing out to smooth price flucations. Insurance would be run somewhat similar to FDIC.
If the economy steadily decreases. If the birthrate continues to fall. And if we sit here, doing absolutely nothing, for three decades.
If the economy doesn't grow as fast as it did last century when Europe conveniently bombed itself into oblivion, oil prices fell in real terms, and half the wealth in the word at one point in time was owned by Americans.

Birthrates most likely will continue fall, why exactly do you beleive they would rise?

As far as sitting here doing nothing, exactly when should we begin to care about the problem? In 10 years? In 20 years? Every year action is delayed, be it simply the idiotic step of increasing the payroll taxes a percentage point, is making it harder on tommorrows workers who will have to pay more and have less time to compound interest to fix the problem?

The mere fact that a percentage point difference in growth is make or break for the system aught to say something about how robust it happens to be. The fact that every governmental study of the system states that eventually it goes red and the problem gets worse from there aught to say something about why it might be a good idea to act now rather than later.
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SirNitram
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Post by SirNitram »

tharkûn wrote:
If the economy steadily decreases. If the birthrate continues to fall. And if we sit here, doing absolutely nothing, for three decades.
If the economy doesn't grow as fast as it did last century when Europe conveniently bombed itself into oblivion, oil prices fell in real terms, and half the wealth in the word at one point in time was owned by Americans.
And includes several recessions and the Great Depression. But as I said, if this does happen, you have bigger problems than just Social Security.
Birthrates most likely will continue fall, why exactly do you beleive they would rise?
Easy: The looming threat of nuclear war being seen and bandied about as likely is gone. I looked into the birth rates for a peice I did called Hope and Fear, Tharkun. They only remained low during the Cold War. Why could that be...

But as I said. If, in thirty years, the birthrate has continued to fall, there's much bigger problems.
As far as sitting here doing nothing, exactly when should we begin to care about the problem? In 10 years? In 20 years? Every year action is delayed, be it simply the idiotic step of increasing the payroll taxes a percentage point, is making it harder on tommorrows workers who will have to pay more and have less time to compound interest to fix the problem?
Here's a very simple solution to start now: Start pushing back the age at which you're paid social security. It's one of those 'blindingly obvious things', shining like the sun. THe problem is people are living longer, healthier lives, so they don't need to retire as early.
The mere fact that a percentage point difference in growth is make or break for the system aught to say something about how robust it happens to be. The fact that every governmental study of the system states that eventually it goes red and the problem gets worse from there aught to say something about why it might be a good idea to act now rather than later.
'The mere fact a percentage poitn difference in growth..' OF THE ENTIRE ECONOMY. A percentage up or down doesn't sound like much until you apply it to a 250 million person, first world country.

As for government studies? I just addressed that goddamn idiocy. They're all based on things which, if proven true, are going to lead to much bigger problems than 'Crap, can't have as much pork this year.'. And of course, like most of those arguing there's some huge problem, you refuse to even conceptualize changing things about it other than 'Cut it up, privatize it, throw it away!' bullshit. Typical.
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