And they were incompetent relative to
whom? To us, because we put in the effort to train and work out doctrine superior to theirs. This is not an advantage we can count on having if we don't work to maintain it.
There's a point at which we have done
enough work, but we can't do no such work and expect to have a superior military whenever we want it.
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D.Turtle wrote:Germany is doing that to. However, we are downsizing the forces optimized for conventional battle at the same time. The US however wants to do everything at the same time. They want to have the best in every area, etc, etc. That they are bankrupting themselves doing so is irrelevant - anybody who points it out is unpatriotic or a traitor.
How is creating an army designed for occupying nations rather than defeating their field armies a sign of peaceful, nonimperial intentions? Empires need occupying armies just as much as they need conquering armies, if not more.
Besides which, what happens if everyone retrains their armies for light infantry counterinsurgency work, and then runs into some obnoxious minor power that bought up all the heavy weapons it could find to make
itself good at conventional war? Like it or not,
someone has to train their forces to blow up tanks and shoot down planes. Otherwise, the world will see a crisis and send in its counterinsurgency forces... only to have them get pounded flat by an army that retained all those tanks and planes and artillery that the West decided to call "obsolete."
And Germany is counting on the US to do that for them. If both Germany and the US agree that we need to put peacekeepers in country X, and the conventional military of country X decides to fight back, guess who gets to take down the Xlander army and air force? It's not going to be the Bundeswehr, let me tell you that.
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You are forgetting one very simple thing. Yes, you can not tell today what you might need in 30 years, but you CAN say what you need in the next 5 or 10. So what you do, is optimize the armed forces for what you need today, while retaining the capability to upsize in the case something comes up that makes it more likely that you need that upsized force. A huge new enemy that would require the massive armed forces the US has today will not suddenly appear out of nowhere. It will require massive political shifts and then lots of time in order to raise the armed forces capable of being a threat to the US. Time which the US has to react to this new threat. There is at this time no credible conventional threat to the US in the foreseeable future.
So... we shouldn't build advanced new weapons like the F-22 until some new enemy shows up, at which point we would be able to churn out hundreds of them in a few years?
That doesn't strike me as a good plan. Wouldn't it be better to build the advanced weapons
now and hold them in reserve for later? What happens if there's an unexpected flaw in our design? Under your plan, we'd have to work out the bugs
while a new powerful enemy was going on the rampage, because we wouldn't have the weapons to test until the moment when we needed to use them.
Moreover, that relies on the US reacting to the threat in real time, rather than realizing it's going to need to fight a war about six to twelve months before the war actually starts. Democracies do not have a good track record of realizing they're going to need to fight a war far in advance, as I'm sure you're aware.
The strategy you propose reminds me of Britain's "ten year rule," and that did
not go well. It's all very well to say "we don't expect to fight a major war in the next ten years, so we don't need to spend much on weapons." But how do you
know when you're going to need to fight a major war in ten years? How do you make sure you don't get overconfident and keep your ten year rule in place until five years before the war breaks out?
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Simon_Jester wrote:Except if they are incapable of going in in the first place. Or if they can only go in if they are invited in. Or if they can only go in as part of a world-wide (or NATO-wide) alliance.
In which case said military is likely to be incapable of doing its job, because it won't be a "military" at all. It will be a gendarmerie, and like a gendarmerie it will be in deep trouble when people make a serious decision to shoot back. Not if,
when. That's the problem with sending your military into tiny local conflicts far away. Even if one side invited you in, the other was already willing to fight and die to win the conflict. Why would that change now that an international gendarmerie has showed up?
For a gendarmerie to work, the gendarmes have to have a
real military that they can call for support if someone with serious weapons or organization starts trying to fight them. Who is expected to supply this military? And if such a military is not available, how do you stop your gendarmes from winding up like the Dutch peacekeepers at Srebenica?
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If one of those countries decides to spend serious money building up its military, it would take about ten years to be in the same general position that Iraq was in 1991: a military stronger than anything that the local powers can fight. In which case either they get to stomp all over their neighbors for a few decades, or someone from outside has to come in and break their conventional army.
But there you have your timeline! If it takes 10 years for such a threat to emerge, then downsize to such an extent that it will take you 10 years to rearm in order to face that threat.
The Western democracies tried that, once. Germany made us regret it. Which makes this whole discussion seem a bit ironic to me...