Knobbyboy88 wrote:Not only did Robert Mugabe not govern Zimbabwe according to Marxist tenets, as the country's capitalist economic policy from independence has demonstrated, he officially abandoned Marxism-Lenninism in the 1990s (further reinforced by the deletion of all references to Marxism-Leninism from the Zimbabwean constitution in 1991).
Being as intentionally obtuse as humanly possible will only get you so far Degan.
Again, look who's talking.
As I have already pointed out, EVERY "Marxist" regime on the planet (including Cuba and North Korea) moved to realign itself in at least some fashion with the West following the end of the Cold War. This proves absolutely nothing other than that Mugabe is a political coward who is willing to play fast and loose with his stated beliefs when the worst comes to worst.
Once again, since when aren't "Marxists" allowed to stoop to such means?
And once more,
WHY SHOULD WE ACCEPT YOUR VALULELESSLY-VAGUE DEFINITION OF MARXISM WHICH YOU JUST USE AS A BUZZWORD? You have utterly failed in the course of this entire thread to demonstrate how Mugabe has governed his country in a Marxist political paradigm. You won't even acknowledge that the regime itself officially struck all references to Marxism or even socialism from the country's constitution —
EVEN THOUGH THIS IS FUCKING HISTORICAL FACT. I grow tired of your endlessly dishonest evasions on this.
If Mugabe had remained on this course and gone the way of China or Vietnam, you might have a point. However, he did not. He has consistently made a point, even during the periods where he claimed to support "Market reform," of retaining some semblence of "socialist" control over his economy, and has actually reverted back to his pre-1990s policies since 2000.
Really? Has he nationalised the entire economy? Has he collectivised the farms? Furthermore, dishonest one, a "semblance" of "socialist control" does not make a regime Marxist. Once again, you conflate terms wildly.
And why should we accept your valuelessly-vague definition of "Marxism" as a determiner of anything? You simply use it as a universally-applicable buzzword.
I have disproven this claim more times than I care to count Degan. I tire of repeating myself.
In what parallel-universe have you effected this? Simply
saying you've disproven something does not mean you have actually done so, no matter what the voices in your head tell you to the contrary. And no, you quite obviously do not tire of repeating yourself since you keep restating the same non-arguments.
Explain the existence of multiple parties in Zimbabwe, then, liar.
What part of "bloody civil war that ground into a unwinnable stale mate" don't you understand exactly? This turn of events obviously tied Mugabe's hands to a certain extent. However, even this fact aside the truth of the matter remains that...
Patriotic Front (PF)
The Patriotic Front (PF) was originally formed in 1976 as a political and military alliance between ZAPU and ZANU during the war against white minority rule in Zimbabwe (then called Rhodesia). The Patriotic Front included ZAPU led by Joshua Nkomo operating mainly from Zambia, and ZANU (Zimbabwe National People's Union) led by Robert Mugabe and operated mainly from neighboring Mozambique. Both movements contributed their respective military forces: ZAPU's military wing was known as Zimbabwe People's Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) and ZANU's guerrillas where known as Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA). The objective of the Patriotic Front was to overthrow the white minority regime of Ian Smith by means of political pressure and military force.
Their common goal was achieved in 1980 with the formal independence of Zimbabwe. During the 1980 election campaign the Patriotic Front alliance partners split into their respective factions and competed separately as ZANU-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) and Patriotic Front-ZAPU (ZAPU-PF). The election was won by Robert Mugabe and ZANU-PF, with Joshua Nkomo and his PF-ZAPU retaining a stronghold in the province of Matabeleland.
In December 1987 a Unity Accord was signed between the two parties; PF-ZAPU was merged into ZANU-PF, effectively establishing a one-party state dominated by Robert Mugabe and ZANU-PF Joshua Nkomo became one of two vice-presidents of Zimbabwe.
Which is fine... except you do not explain away the OTHER political parties which continued to exist alongside the merged ZANU/ZAPU organisation, nor do you explain away the fact that the country is still legally a multiparty state:
Under British auspices, a new constitutional settlement obtained PF approval in 1979, and the elections of 27–29 February 1980 were contested by nine parties, including ZANU-Patriotic Front, led by Robert Mugabe, and ZAPU (which registered under the name Popular Front). Of the 80 Assembly seats elected from the common rolls, ZANU-Patriotic Front took 57, Popular Front (or ZAPU) 20, and UNAC 3. In the July 1985 elections, ZANU-PF won 63 seats, PF-ZAPU, 15. After much enmity and bitterness during most of the 1980s, ZAPU and ZANU finally agreed to merge in late 1987 under the name of ZANU-PF and the merger was consummated in December 1989.
President Mugabe declared his intention to make Zimbabwe a one-party state by 1990. He regarded his party's victory in the 1990 elections as a mandate to proceed with his plans to establish ZANU-PF as the only legal party. He was soon turned away from that scheme by strong pressure from creditor governments abroad and a chorus of opposition domestically, including from within ZANU-PF. Zimbabwe got caught up in the general press throughout tropical Africa for greater decentralization of power and competitive party politics.
New parties began to emerge in the late 1980s and early 1990s in preparation for the expected elections in 1995. Tekere's Zimbabwe Unity Movement (ZUM) contested the 1990 elections with some success. The UANC, still led by Muzorewa, merged with ZUM in January 1994. In January, longtime Mugabe rival Sithole returned from exile and created his own party, also using the ZANU rubric of ZANU-Ndonga or sometimes ZANUSithole.
In March 1993, former Chief Justice Enoch Dumbutshena launched the Forum Party, an outgrowth of the pressure group, Forum for Democratic Reform. The CAZ is still active, as is the Democratic Party, which has emerged from a split within ZUM.
In 1996 elections for Executive President, Robert Mugabe, the longtime ruler of Zimbabwe, won 93% of the vote, while his party, the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front, won 98% of the available seats in elections held a year earlier. However, in both elections it was widely accepted that the result had been predetermined. The Zimbabwe government made little pretense of conducting a free and fair election.
Parliamentary elections were scheduled for April 2000, but were postponed until June. Two new strong political parties were formed to challenge Mugabe's ZANU-PF. The United Democratic Front (UDF) party was launched by Lupi Mushayakarara, former Rhodesian leader Ian Smith, Abel Muzorewa, and Ndabaningi Sithole, a pack of leaders that Mugabe dismissed as "ghosts of the past." A more formidable opponent emerged in the form of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) led by Morgan Tsvangirai. The MDC successfully campaigned against a government-sponsored draft constitution in the national referendum held in February 2000 with the government securing 45% of the national referendum votes against 55% for the opposition. The opposition argued that the draft constitution further entrenched executive rule allowing Mugabe to dissolve cabinet and parliament, and to rule by decree. Led by the MDC, opposition parties won nearly half of the seats in the House of Assembly in the June 2000 elections.
Challenges to the future viability of the MDC include leadership, credibility on the streets, articulation of position on contentious issues, and resource base. It remains to be seen whether the MDC can transform itself in a sustainable way from a broad-based civic movement opposed to Mugabe into an organized political entity representing and voicing the interests of a defined constituency all the while contesting power.
Read more
I await your puerile attempt to handwave this one away.
Furthermore, no alliance with the Soviet Union was ever concluded or even understood to exist. But I suppose you can actually present evidence of such an alliance since you insist there was one, now can't you?
Wrong on both counts. Your own sources prove that Mugabe had rather significant ties with the Soviet Union and othert "Red" Bloc nations, but that he was simply willing to trade with the West as well when they made better offers. In fact, if you would bother to look up the subject, you would see that...
RIGHT on both counts. Zimbabwe joined the
Non-Aligned Nations bloc after independence, and held the
Secretariat-General of that body from 1983-1986. Furthermore, Mugabe's policies in office clearly favoured Western economic and arms-purchasing arrangements over any such deals with either the Soviet Union (until it ceased to exist) or China (which ceased to be part of any unifed "Red Bloc" upon the Sino/Soviet split in the 1960s).
Russia-Zimbabwe relations date back to January 1979, during the Rhodesian Bush War. The Soviet Union supported Joshua Nkomo's Zimbabwe African People's Union, and supplied them with arms; Robert Mugabe's attempts to gain Soviet support for his Zimbabwe African National Union were rebuffed, leading him to enter into relations with Soviet rival Beijing. After the end of the white regime in Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe had strengthened his relations with both Beijing and Moscow as a result of intense western pressure on him. The USSR soon established diplomatic relations with Zimbabwe on February 18, 1981 and Russia still maintains an embassy in Harare. Both Russia and China still maintain strong economic and political ties with Zimbabwe and both countries had vetoed the UN resolution imposing UN sanctions on Zimbabwe which was proposed by both the US and the UK on July 12, 2008.
The People's Republic of China supported Robert Mugabe's Zimbabwe African National Union while the Soviet Union supported Joshua Nkomo's Zimbabwe African People's Union, competing militant Marxist organizations that sought an end to Rhodesia and the establishment of a one-party Communist state in its place.[1] The PRC's initial investment in Mugabe has continued. China has invested more in Zimbabwe than any other nation with 35 companies spending over $600 million USD.[2] The close economic relationship between Zimbabwe and China is partly driven by sanctions imposed by Western nations in response to the Zimbabwean government's "continued human rights abuses."[3]
Li Ke, China's Vice-Minister for Economic Relations, visited Zimbabwe for 13 days in September 1980. Mugabe visited China on October 13 and met with Prime Minister Zhao Ziyang.[4]
In June or July 2006 the Zimbabwean government secretly bought Chinese rifles, bullets, anti-riot gear and other military equipment in return for 30 tons of ivory, violating the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species which forbids the sale of ivory. Interpol and CITES, an ivory-watchdog organization, are investigating the sale.[5] The Zimbabwean government bought six military aircraft from China in 2005 and another six aircraft from three Chinese firms on August 23, 2006.[6] Two days later the Zimbabwe National Army said it bought 127 trucks for $1.2 million.[7]
The Chinese government donated farm machinery worth $25 million to Zimbabwe on April 21, including 424 tractors and 50 trucks, as part of a $58 million loan to the Zimbabwean government. The Mugabe administration previously seized white-owned farms and gave them to blacks, damaging machinery in the process. In return for the equipment and the loan the Zimbabwean government will ship 30 million kilograms of tobacco to the People's Republic of China immediately and as much as 80 million kilograms over the next five years.[3] John Nkomo, Speaker of the House of Assembly of Zimbabwe, praised Cramshina's investment on April 24, 2007 during a state dinner in Harare held during the four-day visit of Jia Qinglin, Chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, to Zimbabwe.[2] Misheck Sibanda, the Chief Secretary to the President and Cabinet, Edna Madzongwe, President of the Senate, cabinet ministers, and legislators from both ZANU-PF and the Movement for Democratic Change attended the dinner.[8]
Your first Wikipedia link ignores the aforementioned fact of Zimbabwe's arms and military training arrangements with the UK and the cancellation of the arms purchase, as well as the fact that the increased relationship with Moscow and Beijing was taking place in 1996-2005
after the fall of the Soviet Union (in fact it gives no timeline at all for these events). Your second link says nothing of particular significance, since China's relations with other nations were either predicated on rivalry with the Soviet Union or, increasingly since the mid-80s, a matter of pure business as opposed to ideology.
Thanas has already pointed out your blatant idiocy (which you now begin to backpedal from) in making this assertion of yours: land redistribution according to the aforementioned law passed by the Roman Senate was outright populism;
Once again dumb ass, "Socialism" usually is "Populist." Frankly, what part of an ideology that explicitly advocates the taking of goods and property of the rich by popular uprising and then redistributing it among the "down-trodden" and oppressed" lower classes ISN'T inherently "Populist?"
Socialism is most assuredly NOT populism, shitwit. Socialism is a broad and comprehensive programme centred upon the peoples' democratic control of the means of production and the mechanics of organisation for that system. Populism has no particular agenda, is not even particularly tied to any one political or economic issue, and is simply a tool for short-term political advantage and nothing more than that —such as the land-redistributions of the Gracci in Rome or the current Tea Party and anti-immigration movements. You don't even have the first fucking clue about what you presume to talk about and are again simply conflating terms wildly to suit whatever argument you try to flog.
Granted, the Romans didn't have explicitly "Socialist" motives in mind when they made this legislation, but that is exactly why I referred to this incident as representing only "proto-Socialism" as opposed to actual "Socialism" to begin with.
The Romans didn't have any socialist motives in mind. Socialism simply did not exist as a concept in Roman times and your continued backpedaling and entirely made-up terminology will not save you in this thread.
Do you just plain not understand the concept of a "subjective" field of study, or what?
This isn't math or science where everything is laid out all nice, pretty, clean, and in clear cut little boxes. "Ideology" is one of the single most subjective and controversial subjects know to mankind. There usually is no one "right" or "wrong" answer.
No matter how futile the attempt may be, this is exactly the point I have been trying to hammer into your collectively thick skulls for the last several days.
Political science is not at all a "subjective" study, imbecile. The differences between ideologies and political systems are both observable and quantifiable in terms of what each programme's main philosophical features are and their means of organising the execution of policy objectives.
You people have a serious problem with "thinking outside the box."
Translation from Knobby-speak: "WAAAAAAAH! You meanies won't swallow my bullshit WAAAAAAAAAAAAAH!" More seriously, we don't know what half-assed little internet playpen you came from before landing here, but on this board, words actually mean things.
Your definition of "socialism" seems to be about as valuelessly-vague as your definition of "Marxism": nothing more than a universally-applicable buzzword for your convenience.
There you go wanting to place everything into neat little boxes as usual.
There you go thinking you can bullshit your way through an adult discussion. I foresee a very unpleasant and brief stay for you here at Stardestroyer.net.
Socialism refers to various theories of economic organization advocating public or direct worker ownership and administration of the means of production and allocation of resources, and a society characterized by equal access to resources for all individuals with a method of compensation based on the amount of labor expended.
Link
Even text book definitions of Socialism underline the incredibly vague nature of this system.
Nowhere near vague enough for you to simply be able to conflate Socialism with Marxism and vice-versa.
In any case, however; you cannot deny that the Irish Revolution contained many blatantly "Socialist" movements.
If you are actually going to try to tell us that the Irish Revolt was about socialism, then we shall have to invent whole new classifications of imbecility to describe you.
The Irish Socialist Republican Party was a pivotal Irish political party founded in 1896 by James Connolly. Its aim was to establish an Irish workers' republic. It split in 1904 following months of internal political rows.
Despite its small size (According to the ISRP historian Lynch, the party never had more than 80 members) the ISRP is regarded by many Irish historians as a party of seminal importance in the early history of Irish socialism and republicanism. It is often described as the first socialist and republican party in Ireland, and the first organisation to espouse the ideology of socialist republicanism on the island. During its lifespan it only had one really active branch, the Dublin one. There were several attempts to create branches in Cork, Belfast, Limerick, Naas, and even in northern England but they never came to much.
Yawn...
The immediate causes for the radicalisation of Irish nationalism were the Ulster Crisis, the effects of the First World War, and the Easter Rising and its aftermath. Nonetheless there had been massive changes in attitudes before and since the fall of Parnell in the late 1880s/early 1890s which were also critical in explaining the speed of the Irish revolution. In retrospect the IPP (Irish Parliamentary Party) had reached its zenith with the introduction of the the First Home Rule Bill in 1886 and had been on the decline even before the disasterous Parnell split. In these years a whole host of social, cultural, and political movements developed an appeal which was never to be effectively countered by the IPP.
The Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA) was the most popular of all, appealing particularly to the young and soon the object of a clash between the IRB (Irish Republican Brotherhood) and the Catholic Church for its control. Its county-based structure was a focus for local pride and identity centred on small towns. To start with the Irish language movement, the Gaelic League, established in 1893, had had far fewer members than the GAA, but by the first decade of the new century it had led a successful campaign for compulsory teaching of the Irish language in schools and had established itself widely in urban areas. The cultural revival was reinforced by the work of W.B. Yeats, Lady Gregory and J.M. Synge amongst many others, and by the foundation of the Abby Theatre in Dublin.
The commemoration of the centenary of the 1798 Rebellion and the organisation of protest against the royal visits of Queen Victoria and Edward VII resulted in the formation of political pressure groups, most notably Cumann na nGaedheal and Arthur Griffith's National Council, both of which amalgamated with the more radical and Northern-based Dungannon Club to form Sinn Fein in 1907. By advocating economic protectionism to develop Irish industry, Griffith looked forward to planning for an independent Ireland's future.
pp 11,12
In the recess of the General Post Office, Michael Collins shook his head with disgust at the impractical tactics and the chaos caused by the strategy. It is often argued that the sacrifice of Pearse, Clarke and their comrades proved to be justified by subsequent events. However, Irish revolutionary socialism was never to recover from the loss of the intellectual and charismatic leadership of James Connolly. The Rising also produced a good deal of recrimination within the nationalist ranks. Many, notably Eamon deValera and Cathal Brugha blamed the IRB for what went wrong and argued that in future the reliance should be on public institutions and that secret organisations should be wound up. The leadership of the Cork Volunteers was put on trial by the IRB for surrendering their arms, and the Kerry leaders were heavily blamed for the debacle of the arms landing and the arrest of Sir Roger Casement on Fenit Strand. Thus the legacy of 1916 had negative as well as positive effects.
Nonetheless, the Cork IRA leader and historian Florie O'Donoghue held that the Rising had served its purpose by restoring the soul of the nation, and its memory played an important role in the regeneration of advanced nationalism. The cult of the 1916 martyrs and the religious symbolism of Eastertide underpinned the development of the Sinn Fein movement during 1917. The choice of individuals connected with the Rising as candidates at crucial by-elections established this link at the same time as completely different political strategies were adopted. The emphasis was to be on responding to general opinion rather than, as in 1916, being in advance of it.
pp 13,14
It was the conscription crisis which finally brought both the church and moderate opinion into line with the Sinn Fein outlook. The hierarchy's hardline resistance to physical force nationalism had mellowed somewhat by 1917. Their attitude to the Easter Rising had been ambivalent and bishops followed opinion rather than lead it when it came to criticism of the Irish Parliamentary Party and the British government in 1917. There was, and remained, a divide between older and younger priests, with the latter sharing the sympathy of their small farmer class backgrounds to advanced nationalism. Individual bishops, however, like Bishop Fogarty of Killaloe, publicly supported Sinn Fein. The Catholic hierarchy's enthusiastic participation in the popular campaign against conscription was a rare example of opposition to established government on their part.
pg 17
The Irish Revolution was not to be concerned with the redistribution of wealth. Sinn Fein and the IRA continued to be overwhelmingly dominated, with a few local exceptions, by the small farmer class and by artisans and traders in urban areas. They did reflect majority opinion within the twenty-six counties and represented an emerging ruling class but excluded others; many disparate interests in Irish society, including Southern Unionists, prosperous farmers, farm labourers and the working class in general were largely unrepresented in the Dail. The historian Fergus Campbell has stressed the importance of the survival of land protest in the west as demonstrated by the continuity in membership between the United Irish League of the early years of the twentieth century and the Sinn Fein party post-1916. The widespread agrarian agitation of 1920, threatening the security of so many graziers, had the potential to move the Irish revolution in a more radical direction. If it is also true, however, that the Irish revolution was not "innately conservative", by 1921 social considerations had been overwhelmed by narrow political ones
pg 20
Any possibility of a radical programme being followed soon died in the course of 1919. Discussion of the merits of co-operative schemes in the farming and fishing industries never advanced beyond the theoretical. The Democratic Programme of social welfare reforms was never followed up. Kevin O'Higgins was later to comment: "We were probably the most conservative-minded revolutionaries that ever put through a successful revolution". For the most part, British constitutional forms were followed by the Dail.
. . .
A series of economies and cost-cutting measures had to be implemented at once, with only limited financial support from the Dail. Workhouses were consolodated into single institutions and tuberculosis hosptials closed; in some counties the mentally-ill were left uncared for and destitute, though care continued to be provided through religious orders. By the time of the Truce, much of the Irish social and legal system was in a state of collapse following the demise of the British administration and the false promise of the Dail government. In social and economic affairs the revolution was reactive rather than proactive.
pp 44,45
Those extracts from Micheal Hopkinson's
The Irish War Of Independence (ISBN 0-7735-2835-7) clearly demonstrate that the character of the Irish nationalism and the revolution was dominated by cultural ideology, not political: based on Irish pride, the revival of Gaelic culture, and Catholicism. The conservative character of the revolutionary movement all but guaranteed that any socialist currents would be swept under and the economic realities of post-independence Ireland made any socialist or even remotely progressive programme an impossibility.
And as for your Irish Socialist Republican Party,
YOUR OWN SOURCE shows what a tiny and insignificant movement it was. Something you might have noticed if not for your galloping idiocy in trying to characterise the Irish revolution as socialist.
the aforementioned measure was part of the 2000 constitutional referendum which was defeated.
Failed "Marxist" legislation is still "Marxist" legislation. How many times do I have to tell you that intent is just as important as execution?
And again, you utterly fail to demonstrate how land redistribution is an inherently or exclusively Marxist programme. How many times must this be pointed out to you or should we start using words of no more than two syllables to accommodate your evidently poor level of comprehension?
Besides, did you totally miss the point where it was stated that...
A few days later, the pro-Mugabe War Veterans Association organised like-minded people (not necessarily other war veterans, as many of them were too young to have fought in the Liberation War) to march on white-owned farmlands, initially with drums, song and dance. As the march continued, seizing began. When the violence ended, a total of 110,000 square kilometers of land had been seized.
Apparently Mugabe has absolutely no problem with seizing by force what he cannot gain legally. This is a typically "Marxist" view on the matter.
No, that is a populist view taken to its extreme conclusion. And as I also cited the War Veterans Association action on Mugabe's behest as a blatant attempt to shore up his own political base by co-opting a potential source of opposition, you have no argument no matter how much you really, really, really, really, really, really, really want to believe you do.
...while leases for wildlife conservancies would be limited to 25 years. There have since been denials of this policy, however.
You really are an imbecile to imagine that you can play so fast and loose with the facts and not get caught at it.
This proves absolutely nothing other than that Mugabe has a history of flip-flopping on important issues.
No, it proves that you are utterly dishonest and that you cherry-picked the evidence. The smart thing right now would be for you to cease trying to defend your little editing job, but it's obvious you're far too stupid to take the hint.
You still have as of yet to demonstrate how exactly political cowardice automatically excludes someone from being considered to be a "Marxist."
Asked and answered. And answered, and answered, and answered...