A normal, constant process in any army, certainly in one that has increased fivefold over the last four years. So what?Stuart wrote:Rebuilding an army, changing its ToE (do you know what a ToE is?), changing the structure, balance and function of its units. Suggesting a task of that magnitude can be completed in a year simply shows you have no idea what is involved in running an Army, And Rezun's "examples" simply confirm that the reorganization was in progress. You need to read real books to give you at least a baseline of knowledge as to what is involved and what happened as a result.Omeganian wrote: What do you exactly mean by reorganization? In his book about the Soviet Army, Suvorov gives examples of significant changes in the army's abilities within months - the Winter War was over a year in the past by then.
The defenses were being destroyed since autumn 1939. Especially after Meretskov was appointed as the Chief of the General Staff (and he just saw the effectiveness of Finnish defenses, so he knew what's a good defense)Stuart wrote:Doctrine changed from a defense in depth to a hardshell perimeter defense in the 1930s, largely as a result of lessons from the Spanish Civil War that appeared to discredit blitzkrieg type theories. Then following lessons from 1939/40 (more specifically Poland/France) the Soviet Army realized the hardshell perimeter theory was seriously wrong and tried to shift to a defense in depth. Much as the Japanese shifted from a meet-them-at-the beach defense to defense in depth and then back to meet-them-at-the-beachA few years before that, the forces were not that close to the border. The bunkers weren't either. There was a wide security zone. No "relics" in sight. Where could one suddenly appear from?
I have in front of me the Wikipedia page, and a collection of interviews with Suvorov. According to them, the chronology is:Stuart wrote:Oh yes it did. Check your publication dates more carefully. Icebreaker fits neatly into the slide of Rezun's work from semi-serious accounts to sensationalized fiction.I noticed some of his later books suffer from that. But Icebreaker was written at the same time as his serious books (partial publication - 1985). Time didn't pass.
1981: Liberators (semi autobiographical, stories about the Soviet Army). Icebreaker, according to Suvorov, is largely finished, but work continues.
1982: Inside the Soviet Army (a serious book)
1984: Inside the Soviet Military Intelligence (a serious book)
1985: Aquarium (semi autobiographical, stories about his work as a spy). The newspaper "Russkaja Mysl" (Russian Thought) publishes pieces of the Icebreaker
1987: Inside Spetsnaz (a serious book).
1989: Icebreaker is published in German.
1992: Icebreaker is published in Russian.
The books you are talking about are most likely Cleansing (1998) and Suicide (2000).
Now, where's the gap?
Point? The point is that the line which before the enemy's attack has been the state border, means absolutely nothing during the war. The logical place to start the game according to your logic is the farthest line the enemy has reached (the line was specified). Why wasn't it chosen?Stuart wrote:Well, you missed the point there completely didn't you. The Soviet exercises in question started from exactly the same foundations as everybody elses when dealing with such situations. Your attempted implications simply do not hold water.But this game (well, there were two games, actually) didn't start from an enemy reaching a specific line. It started after the Soviets from that line threw the enemy back - and they certainly didn't throw it back without possessing the initiative.
Let's look at another interview. Suvorov says that the immediate reason was: The head of their residency was replaced. An idiot was sent in his place. Suvorov was to pay the bill for his blunders. He refused, took his family, and fled. Your source?Stuart wrote:The man himself.Some years ago, there was an 18 series film about Suvorov and his theory. On the other side, Russian generals were speaking. There were no bad words about his quality of work; in fact it was said he was a good worker, due for a promotion. What's your source?
85% of the ammo production near the borders? Those were all new facilities(their manufacturing power was about tenfold the 1939 ones). Where's the dispersal? Stalin built a new industry to replace it in less than two years - on Ural and in Siberia. You think he had problem relocating people there before the war, if needed?Stuart wrote:Because, if you look at a map of Russia, that's where most of the power generation, transport and communications facilities etc were. Also, incidentally, most of the centers of population - it's a bit pointless to build factories out in the pine forests where nobody lives. Having said that, the Russians were trying to disperse their industry - that's why there's a submarine building yard at Nizhky Novgorod. That sort of thing does not happen overnight.There are plenty of resource rich places in Russia, and plenty of space. And Ural is in much less danger from bombers. So why concentrate all the industry on the border?
The Soviet Generals had some detailed plans. They had no defense plans. And for areas beyond Kiev and Odessa, there could be no defense plans - since, according to a former chief of the General Staff, there were simply no up to date maps any further east.Stuart wrote:That comment hardky makes any sense at all and what little coherent thought it does express is irrelevent to the substance of the argument.And generals state they had plans. Plenty of very detailed plans. Which said absolutely nothing about actions in case of an enemy attack. The contingency lacked variety, it seems. General-Colonel Gor'kov (a prominent Suvorov opponent) claimed that was the plan which was used by the army. Later he claimed that the part about attack was removed from there, but that hardly leaves much of a plan.
Kiev military district (at the time, Kiev special military district) included most of Ukraine. It had a common border with the Reich (and I gave a map showing that border). It was attacked at the first day of the war. Those are among the most basic facts where Soviet Military is concerned. You don't know that? And you criticize my knowledge?Stuart wrote:Have you looked at a map recently? And do you know where Kiev is?An official directive to the Kiev district in June 13th stated that all the forces which are not close to the border are to be moved closer by the beginning of July.
This was well before Germany attacked.Stuart wrote:To deny them to an enemy?But why demolish (at least in part) the bunkers on the old borders? No one seems to be in any hurry to destroy WWII bunkers even today.
It was done before the decision was made to build bunkers on the new border. And the old bunkers were stripped much faster than the older ones were equipped.Stuart wrote:In a lot of cases to utilize the equipment therein elsewhere.
Utilization of land, agriculture... That was hardly a factor in the Soviet Union.Stuart wrote:Or simply to get rid of a nuisance. It really doesn't help a farmer plow his fields if there is a circular block of concrete in the middle.
It means that Germans built their bunkers in a particular way to better support their offensive. And the Soviets built their own bunker in the exact same manner.Stuart wrote:That is utter nonsense. It seems as if you are quoting something without understanding what you are reading.Let's see. If your bunkers are meant to support an offensive, then:
1) Forces are to be gathered on the primary direction, and bunkers are to be built on the secondary positions.
2) Bunkers are not to be camouflaged; let the enemy think you are preparing for defense.
3) Don't make the fortified lines deep - that way, if you advance on a secondary direction, every bunker can support your forces.
4) Don't cover the bunkers with minefields and barbed wire - it's a hindrance to your own forces.
5) Don't waste too much concrete and steel - those are not long term fortifications.
Since each of those features can be implemented, and can be not implemented, that gives us 32 ways to build a pillbox. Germans, in preparation for an attack on the Soviets, used a particular one of those ways - one matching all five features. The Soviets, on their side, used the exact same way.
It means that forces which can be used for nothing but offense were gathered close to the border. What for?Stuart wrote:Of what possible relevence is that? It has no bearing on the subject at all. Irrelevent quotations prove nothing.According to Wikipedia "It is assumed that tactical advantage cannot be sustained for very long, so effective Airborne missions require the rapid advance of ground based troops in support." Not a primary source, of course, but do you have one that contradicts it? Now, the troops in question were constantly practicing in close proximity to the border (Why not close to Moscow, or Volga? Is Russia small?). After Germany attacked, the Soviets had to remove thousands of parachutes from the forest (without a command from very high up any commander would have been shot for sabotage if he left parachutes outside).
It was the Danube Delta. According to Wikipedia, The Danube Delta is a low alluvial plain, mostly covered by wetlands and water. It consists of an intricate pattern of marshes, channels, streamlets and lakes. Marshes, water... chances of an enemy attack upon such terrain - very low and lower. Very low threat profile.Stuart wrote:Not really; depends on the threat profile.Stalin received a small piece of Danube. Into this small piece, he moved about half the forces which were previously sufficient to defend the 2000+ km Dnieper. For defense? looks a bit too much.
Why were they moved there, then? Can you explain that?Stuart wrote:Again, so what?The river was so narrow there, that the larger ships were very difficult to rotate. Meaning, they were not supposed to go back (and what is the point of moving them there and building a base, if they are to be returned). The enemy threat was low there - so there was no point in them remaining. They couldn't move forward, either - except many people died digging that trench which could serve no purpose other than to give them that exact opportunity.
If they were indeed as weak as everyone claims, why didn't they defend or retreat? Apparently, at this moment they believed they were strong enough to defeat Germany in a direct attack.Stuart wrote:So they launched a counter-attack. Premature no doubt but that's the name of the game. Say again, so what?If you think that something can reflect the army's purpose and training than its orders and actions... In this case, an order to seize Suvalki and Lublin in two days. Not a word about defense. And the matching action - or, at least, an attempt.
In 1997, there was a videoconferencing between Suvorov and his opponents (plenty of historians with general and colonel ranks, carefully chosen). The result was edited (not a live broadcast) and shown by said opponents with the comment that "for certain reasons, the program was not a convincing disproof of the theory". Three years later, one of the people claimed that they have "outshouted, but not defeated him". Outshouted... not a credibility adding method.Stuart wrote:So you say. More likely, the thoery is so outlandish there is no point in discussing it.And yet Rzheshevsky claims he cannot present any documents against Suvorov's theory.
A theory must fit facts. Suvorov's theory fits certain facts (a few of them I mentioned). What is your theory, which fits said facts?Stuart wrote:Once again, if you believe the Soviet Union was on the verge of launching an attack in 1941, the onus is on you to prove it.
Suvorov's point exactly - the army was being deployed, and caught with its pants down, in no position to neither defend nor attack. But it says little about the situation which could have been in a few weeks.Stas Bush wrote:Anyone familiar with the Soviet movements in 1941 would note that the USSR was caught in deployment; ie. it was not in a position to either attack or defend, it's forces were only being deployed to pre-planned position.
Except that Stalin didn't believe Hitler would attack (there is a well known comment of his on one warning, ordering to shove the source of it where the sun doesn't shine). So, the forces were deployed for neither defense nor a preemptive attack.Stas Bush wrote:The Soviet doctrine also called to "defend on enemy land" in case of attack or even attack pre-emptively, so anyway what's the point in discussing the coulda-wouldas? When deployed, the USSR could've used it's forces for a preventive attack (with poor results, quite probably, for the factors mentioned many times).
Stalin had a habit of making any decisions in a very narrow circle. Often - with no records kept. Like in mafia.Stas Bush wrote:However, it doesn't lend any credency to claims of a grand agression, because the political decisions just aren't there. An agression is an act of politics done by military means.
First, he doesn't insist upon the interpretation (however, there can be no argument about the BT meaning fast tank). Second, not automobile but highway. Third, he simply states that the tanks were hard to use upon Soviet terrain and roads. Fourth, this is but a minor point of his.Stas Bush wrote:Rezun idiotically and frantically assumes that the prefix "A" in Soviet tanks means they are "highway" (from the word automobile), and that trackless tanks are some sort of uber weapons oа doom agression. Heh.