Hmm... first of all, this discussion certainly got more interesting.
Omeganian wrote:Well, the
built part of
statistics gives 128 as a maximum for an area. As for 2500... Well, Zhukov says nowhere it's the figure for the western borders, for the Molotov line.
These figures are completely different. It seems more likely that the 2 500 is the figure is for the entire Soviet border. Out of these, a little over one third (if the 2 500 are in the built section), or less than a quarter (if they were in the operable section, since they were armed) belonged to the Molotov line. This proves that the Molotov line wasn't exactly considered top priority, but little else.
Actually, that's the table I was speaking about when talking about documentary evidence. It provides the numbers of pillboxes in construction, the numbers of hardpoints built, et cetera. Zhukov indeed talks about the overall construction, not about the new border fortifications in particular. I've already mentioned the 880 number, right? Now, there were ~4900 pillboxes in progress, much like I said. If you can provide similar documents for the Germans, do so.
As to the quality of Molotov line fortifications - their depth was constantly rising. When Stalin line FRs mostly had a depth of 1-5 km, new FRs were projected with greater depth (sometimes up to 15 km), 5 km being the lowest FR depth. A typical MG pillbox of the old line had wall thickness 1,2m, internal floors and walls ~100 cm. By contrast, new border line pillboxes had a target wall thickness of 1,5-1,8m, internal floors and walls - ~2,5 m.
As for why I bring up the Stalin and Maginot lines for example - pretty obvious. They were (1) long-term, (2) very large, (3) peacetime construction. In essence, the Molotov line fully corresponded to what could be expected of a large peacetime defence line construction, and even exceeded some expectations. Kursk is an example of fully mobilized nation building haphazard defences (in early 1943, Soviet military expenditure rose to 60% of GDP). By the way also, Rezun says there were no "powerful defences" - no fixed fortifications, large fortifications at Kursk:
Rezun wrote:There were no pillboxes, concrete tetrahedrons or granite obstacles on the Kursk salient
Who am I to believe - you or Rezun? Besides, like I said - there were thousands of pillboxes being constructed - not just planned, but actually in the process of construction. According to
internal Soviet reports. So where's anything proving the opposite? Besides, Khrenov argued for a limited effort on the Molotov line (simple field fortifications a-la Kursk, nothing long-term, permanent or very large). Stalin rejected that in favour of full-scale construction.
Construction of defence lines during Kursk and Stalingrad battle was limited to fast field defence and agile defence (use of tanks as defence weapons, for example). Around 200 pillboxes were constructed in Stalingrad. In Kursk, I'm not sure howmany. Perhaps none. Most of the sources speak about mass construction of trenches, etc[. but none about construction of long-term concrete pillboxes and artillery positions. Please be so kind as to explain yourself.
Omeganian wrote:[snip quotes about conservation of fortified regions]
As I'm sure you know, the conservation of old fortifications is a well-known fact and perfectly sound measures when you have a limited amount of manpower and resource to man a line. However, where is the documental evidence of demolitions? How many pillboxes were demolished? We know that most old border fortifications were in fact maintained and slated for modernization; while older ones (never perfectly manned, fully equipped or constructed). The worst parts of the Stalin line, which already fell into disrepair by 1938 due to poor maintenance, were being considered for abandonment even prior to 1940. Moving guns to concrete fortifications in fortified regions makes little sense if you're badly lacking mobile artillery to support your offensive.
Omeganian wrote:Looking in Halder's diary, electronic version... searching for "fortification"...
So - anti-tank ditch, 120 pillboxes without armament, "active defence".
Ответ: В Восточной Пруссии — долговременные оборонительные сооружения облегченного типа, на остальных участках — укрепления полевого типа.
So - "light" long-term fortifications in Eastern Prussia, "field fortifications" (no permanent fortification lines) in other regions. In essence, a defence that can only work with a fully mobilized Army defending it. No long-term static defences. Just like I said. What was the plan for 1940 and 1941? How many concrete pillboxes? How many were in construction, how many were finished by 1941? From what I see, that defence "line" is not a line at all, merely field defences a-la Kursk, etc.
Omeganian wrote:You said it could have saved them if they shortened their logistical train - here, you are talking about lengthening it.
Hmm. I'm not sure what you're trying to say here. The German logistical track will be shortened if the USSR attacks. It's lengthened if Germany attacks the USSR and penetrates deep.
Omeganian wrote:At the very least, it means that the Soviets have a certain chance to cut out 2-3 years of the real life war (from their border and back), and finish the elimination of Germany before the Allies can land any sizable force.
Perhaps, as an optimistic scenario. There's a number of pessimistic scenarios as well. One - 4-5 years of positional warfare. Two - Germany and Britain make an anti-Soviet pact and the whole war changes to unimaginable scenarios. That's why I despise alt-history for the most part - even very small changes will lead to long-term, varying effects impossible to predict. So basically, you're making an unproven assertion about very long-term effects of a major change to history. That's called "wishful thinking".
Omeganian wrote:Why would you need tank ambushes in a sudden attack?
Because you ... ambush enemy tanks to defeat them? That's a stupid question. In both attack and defence both sides rely heavily on intelligence, ambushes, artillery support and all other common elements of warfare. German tactics were well-honed. The Soviet ones... often lacking.
Omeganian wrote:And with the Soviet bomber attacks, they may also have some logistical problems. ... Why? If a sudden air attack ensures air superiority (as it is in a sudden attack), you don't need a lot of AA guns. But in defense, such shortage becomes a big problem
As for "Soviet bomber attacks", which bombers attacking from which airfields and which air armies would conduct such a raid? How many raids per day, per hour? Could the poorly experienced Soviet pilots keep up with the necessary rate? *shakes head* Especially with the high readiness, superior skill and superior tech edge of the Luftwaffe? Yes, the attack could spoil German cards, but you're attacking an army of high readiness. Most of the Soviet AF in reality died in battles over the USSR (in the sky), only 20-25% were destroyed on the airfield. 75% of Soviet AF was composed from obsolete craft which could barely catch up with German bombers. The air battles will be brutal, and it's
not a given the USSR will get the necessary advantage at all. That's what I'm trying to explain - that a more favourable scenario of war onset doesn't mean insta-wins or doesn't relieve the necessity of following the tactics that the USSR employed later in the war.
Omeganian wrote:Halder constantly complained in 1941 that the the tank divisions lost 50% or more of their tanks - and advanced.
Pardon me, but Halder didn't "constantly complain" about that. He merely noted the progression of losses in initial tank strength in his diary. Germany lost a half of the pre-war tank number slated for the invasion (~2000) till November 1941. Bule constantly noted that tank losses reach 50% during later months of 1941. In July, i.e. during the initial battles, the tank losses were (according to Bule's report, once again) "on an acceptable level", "not exceeding 20%".
Omeganian wrote:You do realize that such plans wouldn't have been worth much once the war would have started? Suvorov constantly states that not only the enemy, the Soviet forces were deceived as well. ... The German divisions on the secondary directions were also spread rather thin. Don't forget, according to Suvorov, the main attack was to be to the south, since a deployment to the north "ran a risk of prolonged battle". And there, the Germans had somewhat less forces.
That's bullshit. No one deceived the Germans or the Soviets. The forces received plans which were sound (from what the pre-war doctrine said). They acted according to what they knew, learned and received as plan. What was the concentration of Soviet forces on the Southern direction, anyhow? What was the density? Worse yet, densities in the South were worse than those in the North. In KOVO, 5 rifle divisions covered 170 kilometers (5th Army), 140 km were covered by 3 RDs (6th Army), 130 km by 3 RDs (26th Army). All densities higher than 30 km per division. On the border with Romania, 650 km of front were covered by 7 RDs and two cavalry divisions, with a few RDs and two "non-movable" MCs in reserve. In any case a density ~50 km per division or greater. Not good, absolutely intolerable for attack. The density had to be multiplied tenfold or twenty times. No easy task, and plus up the re-equipment as well.
Besides, if the USSR was concentrating for a South attack, why the borderline in KOVO and OdVO had a 6,5:1 German numerical superiority? This signifies that even KOVO and OdVO forces were not deployed and not dense enough to attack neither immediately, nor in the nearest future. KOVO and OdVO did not finish deployment. In the North, the situation was a bit better, you know. Only a 4:1 to superiority.
Omeganian wrote:"Breathrough tank" and "breakthrough development tank" are different things. KV is the first, BT is the second. One makes a breach, the other goes in.
What is the T-34, then? And yes, I'm fully aware that BTs are breakthrough development tanks - how is that relevant to my point, that breaching German defences (especially if their more serious ones were to be concentrated in East Prussia) without breakthrough tanks is not a sound plan?
Omeganian wrote:Huderian gives the figure of 3200 - without Pz-I. ... The Italian medium tanks look quite comparable in their characteristics to the light T-26 (which they outweighed considerably). The Finns didn't attack the Soviets right away. As for the Slovakian tanks, they were mostly part of the German forces (149 Pz-35 and 623 Pz-38).
Nothing you've said here contradicts what I said. Guderian's figure might be a little off-base, but not far from it (3865-~500, because of the difficulties of calculating the number of Pz.Kpfw I that were actually battle-ready), it is about 3200. I'm not sure what is your point, though? The German tanks were concentrated for a strike. The Soviet tanks were dispersed, mixed capable tanks with those that exhausted resouce and needed maintenance. Thus even the capable tanks suffered because they were included in units together with tanks that were not ready. In essence, Germany concentrated over 2000 twenty-tonners in fully complect and ready units.
Omeganian wrote:Indeed. But it's often done. The armament, at least, looks comparable (Pz III had a 37 mm gun, which was later replaced with a 50 mm, the process still being incomplete by June 1941, Pz IV had a snub nosed 75 mm not meant for tank combat). The engine is weaker on the T-26 - but it was an infantry support tank, after all, no need for top speed. The armor is somewhat weaker.
Things like crew comfort, optics and targeting (especially poor on BTs when compared to German tanks), communication, comparable armour and comparable armament gave a slight edge for the Germans in almost everything. This is why the Soviet command evaluated the caputured PzKpfw III so highly, not because it was some sort of wonder weapon, but because it was in many ways superior to the Soviet tanks. Track resource, of course, also figures. German and American machine tooling was superior to the Soviet one, which was just being created at the time. For example, American tracks for the Christie tank didn't break down after full test runs of several thousands of kilometers, percentage of track breakdowns in German tanks was likewise low. Soviet tracks on the first BTs broke prematurely - poor steel and poor production practices of a newly industrializing economy.
For example, trophy PzKpfw IIIs in the USSR often were used as command machines due to excellent optics and good communications. The RKKA had units operating the PzKpfw III, and documents issued to that effect; it was the most common German trophy tank to use in the first part of the war.
Early PzKpfw IIIs armed with Pzgr.40, for example, had an edge over the Soviet BTs, despite the latter having "apparently" better armament - a 45-mm gun versus a 37-mm one. Problem is, German 3.7cm KwK 36 L/45 showed superior initial speed and penetration versus the Soviet 45-mm 20K and 20Km (1932, 1934). 1017 m/s intial speed and 64mm penetration at 60deg, 100m distance for the 3,7 cm KwK 36 L/45. The Soviet 45-mm 20K and 20Km, a weapon of larger caliber, had a penetration of 43mm at 60deg, 100m distance and an intial speed of 757m/s. So, a German 37mm gun with Pzgr.40 offers a 34% greater speed, and 48% greater penetration capability. A German 37mm gun with Pzgr.39 offered similar performance to the BT gun. So the PzKpfw III outperformed both the T-26 and the BT, and was better armoured, too. For example, the PzKpfwIII had 30 mm armour in front and at sides, 20 mm at the rear. The BT-5 had 13 mm front, 13 mm side and 10 mm at the rear. The Pz.KpfwIII could kill the BT-5 from 1500 m away with certainity using the Pzgr.39. The BT-5 had to fire from 1000 m or less to get a certain kill; and obviously the probability of a kill decreased.
Even the BT-7 did not reach the armour thickness of the PzKpfwIII, achieving a top front armour of 22mm. In essence, the Pz.Kpfw.III remained about 33% better armoured than the BT of the latest modification, which had 22mm front and 19mm side armour. Certainly, comparing Soviet 10-tonners to German 20-tonners would not be favourable to the former. 20-tonners also had a crew of 5, easing operations. Soviet 10-tonners had a crew of 3.
As for the T-50, it was already a 14-tonner, not a 10-tonner. And yes, it was better than early Pz.Kpfw.IIIs, but was it better than the later models with 50-mm KwK, starting 1940 onwards? No. It would have better armour, but
obviously inferior armament. Ergo, the Soviet command concentrated on the T-34; that was a wise decision, because by 1943 problems with penetrating German armour with either German 37mm or it's equivalent the Soviet 45-mm were growing too large to ignore. The T-34 offered a continous edge in firepower even if lacking in other chars.
Omeganian wrote:Except that the official Soviet historiography usually stated that the war only started for USSR in 1941.
Who gives a fucking crap about the "official Soviet historiography" and it's will to rapproach the matter with Finland as if it
never existed? *eyes suspiciously* I'm not sure you do. You surely know that the USSR didn't consider it's border conflicts wars, but they did require large operations of forces. The Finnish and Polish campaigns in particular, for the forces located in the West.
Omeganian wrote:Inferior to the MG-equipped Pz-I? Damn, what was the guy smoking? ... 25 mm on the turret. A few dozen were even equipped with additional 50 mm layers. The German 30 mm, while somewhat stronger, isn't quite shell proof either. ... And their 20 mm on Pz II met said requirements? ... They could either capture destroyed tanks, or tanks which broke down. In the first case, there is little to inspect, in the second, of course the engine is run down.
The generals gave an all-around characteristic. The very light Soviet tanks like the T-37A, T-38 would obviously be inferior to the very light German machines (Pz.I and II); light Soviet tanks were inferior to German 20-tonners. The bad optics and comms problem persisted even in the very pinnacle of Soviet armour, T-34 and KV. The sad situation was that the German 30mm was not only stronger plate-wise, but that many BTs had pitful armour. Only the 4000-odd BT-7s and BT-7Ms had adequate armour (with side screens for 15+4 mm and 22 mm frontal armour), and even that was inferior to the German Pz.IIIs of EARLY build. Worse yet,
the Pz.II had armour comparable to early BT models. Case in point - the Pz.II Ausf. C (1000 constructed, 1938-1940) had a frontal armour of 29-35 mm. That's a German 10-tonner. In frontal combat, the Pz.Kpfw.II could kill the BT-5, for example, from c.500 m with any munition (older BTs with vertical armour from an even greater distance, since that's penetration for 60 deg sloped), and likewise with a side hit as well. And obviously the Pz.IIs no longer met OKH demands - that's why Pz.IIIs and IVs were in production. Just like the BTs no longer met Soviet demands, and were stopped being made in 1940. Germans often captured intact tanks, in fact - those that were in warehouses or storages - just because they were waiting for repairs.
As for aviation gasoline, "not a problem"? Let me remind you - the Soviet Union had a problem with high-grade fuel production. Zhukov was extremely dissappointed with the gasoline engine requirements, high fuel consumption, etc. That is why BTs also started using diesels. This is why Soviet production shifted to diesels - a very good idea. That report is done by Boule and Thomas on 11th September, 1941, during a council on the use of trophy tanks (which the Germans captured in substantial numbers by that time).
In Halder's KTB you can also find stats on the use of Soviet trophy tanks in the Wehrmacht:
а) Сведения об использовании трофейных танков на фронте по состоянию на 9.10. 1941 года. В России: группа армий <Юг> - 16 танков (в октябре туда будет передано еще 5 танков); группа армий <Центр> - 42 танка (в октябре и ноябре будет направлено на фронт еще 20 танков); группа армий <Север> - 23 танка (в октябре будет направлено на фронт еще 5 танков). Когда закончится перевооружение 100-й и 101-й бригад, для использования в тыловых районах будет выделено еще 548 танков. На Крите: кроме танковой роты, имеющей на вооружении немецкие танки, 17 трофейных танков. В Сербии: 184 танка. К декабрю намечено перебросить в Сербию еще 194 танка. Во Франции: 140 танков, использующихся для береговой обороны и поддержания порядка внутри страны. В Норвегии - 100 танков.
Out of the thousands of trophy tanks captured, the Germans selected only less than a hundred for frontline use in Russia, but slated around a full 1000 of Soviet trophy tanks for rear and police duties in occupied territories.
Omeganian wrote:Even if so, it merely means that the Soviets would have simply had to replace their losses quickly. But with intact industry, it doesn't seem that far fetched of an idea.
Perhaps so; but like I said, projecting for very long-term consequences is kinda hard. For example, a failure in deep penetration might cause the Germans to turn to strategic bombing as a solution; something they didn't do because of their successes with tactical bombing alone. Germany might turn it into a positional bloodbath, and finally, draw the support of other powers into that war, which will mean very bad consequences for the Soviet Union.
Omeganian wrote:Four countries, two of them are naval powers... sounds like a situation which requires a large navy. Any data about the appropriate navy building program?
Heh. Poland, Germany and Japan threatened the USSR directly from land. So land forces got priority. But the USSR did start a naval buildup; several attempts. All failed - poor condition of industry in the early 1930s, lacking quality of metal and especially engines, etc. No cooperation with major powers on naval buildup, which Tsarist Russia used; the common problem of ordering engines abroad was hard to solve. Making 305-mm and other large-caliber weapons posed a problem for the USSR; it used barrels inherited from Tsarist Russia due to poor metallurgy in the 1930s. I thought it was all common knowledge; perhaps not.
Omeganian wrote:And on large scale deep defenses (not just concrete - partisans, bridges with explosives...).
Verily so. The USSR constructed a large line in the West and some fortifications in the East against a Japanese agression. However, that was spread out in time. Foregoing naval buildup (especially with constant factory failures to produce necessary grade materials), the USSR concentrated on tanks and planes. And achieved a success in mass-producing them. That is all. Areas other than the Army - airforce, for example, and the navy, were in neglect. The Army got the best end of the stick. Airforce came second and Navy came third.
Omeganian wrote:According to Zaloga's book, "the two M1930 arrived in USSR early in 1931 having been shipped from the USA under the guise of agricultural tractors" (they left USA in 1930). Suvorov states in a later book that it was simply a fig leaf - an attempt by both countries to hide that they are trading. And he states that the Aberdeen Proving Ground still has the original documents. If there is a mistake, everyone made it back then.
Yes, it's a mistake. I'm not sure why one should then rely on an obsolete and inaccurate book in anything, because other statements have a similar proportion of falsehoods in them.
Omeganian wrote:And other serial tanks couldn't be modified accordingly? I believe a lot of the serial German tanks were not fitted with snorkels, and Halder even stated you need three months of work for large scale modifications of such type.
They could, but they - sadly - didn't. *shrugs* I wish they did. Germans made a lot of snorkeling efforts on the later modifications of their tanks. Certainly a series 168 medium machines fully modified for UW assault plus several hundred snorkels are a greater effort than the 15 prototypes barely ever used.
Omeganian wrote:And Zhukov had no statements outside of his memoirs?
None that would support Rezun's writings, sadly. If you know something I don't, please show.
Omeganian wrote:Suvorov admits his mistake about the BT vs T-26 numbers. Claims that he had no access to precise numbers, and indirect methods gave a somewhat incorrect figure.
Why bother with his books, then? Not only the T-26, but obviously the combined numbers of tanks of potential Soviet enemies by 1939 far outstripped the number of BTs (though not the number of all Soviet tanks).
Omeganian wrote:It was written in the 80-s, when accurate research was problematic.
Then there's no point. False theories about "super BTs" which were "unusuable" on Soviet territory do not warrant a mention? Neither do stupid theories about the production of "150 000 Su-2s" (also not supported by any evidence), and the like which are contained in Rezun's books.
You tacitly ignored falsehoods about the BT speed, production rate, combat on wheels and use on Soviet territory, right? Obviously you agree I'm right, but then WHY mention Rezun at all? A far more sound explanation of how the USSR might have acted to preventively strike Germany is done by other authors (e.g. Meltukhov), and using documents to boot.
A realistic Soviet preventive strike or counter-strike after fending off German attack with deployed Army is an interesting subject which I'm ready to talk about. Rezun is a pop-sci trash writer whose writings are simply not relevant to historical science - part of them are obsolete, some wrong obviously (Rezun couldn't have not known that BTs were efficiently used on Soviet territory, and ordered to serve there, as well as that Christie tanks and wheeled tanks in general were used by other nations).
I'm tired of discussing Rezun's bullshit and silly exaggerations made on the basis of false claims. I'm ready to discuss real history.