Kamakazie Sith wrote:Could you expand on this a bit? My impression was that, for example, lawsuits against the police because someone robbed my house would tend to fail. Was I mistaken?
We're talking about terrorism...not domestic crime. Post 9/11 the government had to scramble to setup a fund for victims of 9/11 and the agreement was "If you take this money...you can't sue the airliner, the government, etc.) The government should not have had to do that.
But would anyone have been found to have standing if they
had tried to sue the airline or the government?
What are the precedents here that make it realistic for the TSA to worry about being held liable for damages if terrorists blow up a plane? Why are they
more liable for my cousin Joe's death if Al Qaeda does it than the police are if the mafia does it?
If I'm right about that, it wouldn't be hard to cover the TSA under such a precedent. Their duty is to catch contraband being smuggled onto planes, or to catch terrorists, but it is not their duty to catch all terrorists or all contraband. That would be impossible.
Indeed...but the lawsuits aren't able doing the impossible they are about doing the possible. Did you do all you could do to prevent this?
When does this kind of lawsuit happen? If it did happen, is it not an adequate defense of the TSA's policies if they simply tell the truth? They can just say "it would be a violation of the constitutional rights of American citizens if we had done this, so it was not possible for us to do this, even if
in theory it might have averted a terrorist attack."
Because even with all their procedures they can't catch all contraband; this has been proven. If the TSA is so afraid of being sued for failing to prevent a terrorist attack, the only way they have to avoid it is to more or less ban flying.
Should they do that?
Right, they can't catch everything. However, they are doing everything that can be done to try and that's the whole point.
That's not true. They're not doing everything that can be done.
There are lots of things they could do to be more thorough about catching potential terrorist bombers and hijackers. They could do strip searches. They could ban luggage on planes. They could restrict the privilege of flying to people who passed some kind of "fliers' examination:" a background check to prove that they were not a dangerous radical malcontent.
All those things would reduce the risk of a terrorist attack on a plane. The TSA has not done and does not propose to do any of them, for obvious reasons- that it would infringe on passengers' rights, that it would make flying too great a burden for the average citizen, or make it outright inaccessible to the average citizen.
The same reasons apply when we talk about what the TSA is doing already. The TSA does not get a blank check to do everything they can imagine doing that would make a terrorist attack some tiny fraction more difficult. There are limits, and their behavior needs to be examined against those limits.
But can you interpret my driver's license as implied consent to do the search? Implied consent has limits. At some point, a citizen cannot be assumed to have waived their rights before they showed up; otherwise, those rights become meaningless because they're inapplicable in the cases where they actually matter.
No, it does not and here's why. Implied consent for your drivers license only stipulates that you will consent to a DUI investigation. The field sobriety tests and the subsequent chemical test.
How intrusive a search does implied consent let you perform? It lets you a breathalyzer at a sobriety checkpoint, according to the Rehnquist court. Does it let you search the trunk of the car? Does it let you perform a strip search of the driver? So far as I know, it doesn't- the average motorist cannot be assumed to have consented to these things.
Well, the difference between implied consent for drivers is that the officer must have established that you are DUI by your driving pattern or odor, etc. However, after that is done then I can seize blood, breath, or urine. We have people refuse to blow in the intoxilyzer all the time. That's fine. We'll just forcibly take your blood.
You can take a blood sample; can you search the trunk of the car?
Again, the point here is not the exact limits of implied consent in this case. The point is that implied consent is not unlimited. You do not get a blank check to do whatever you damn well please at a sobriety checkpoint, nor should you. Sobriety checkpoints are not "Fourth Amendment Free Zones."
Airport security checkpoints aren't either. In both cases we can define some
reasonable degree to which the right to freedom from search and seizure is limited by circumstances, yes. But that doesn't mean that the right disappears, or that we can excuse every imaginable form of search and seizure by saying "well if you don't like it, don't fly."
Nor can the state just decide "Okay, now one of the costs of driving is that you must consent to having your trunk searched at random checkpoints, and if you keep driving from now on it means you must have accepted this, so it's all right to do it." At a certain point, that just means that the state is unilaterally stripping you of your rights and punishes you for protesting. If that can be done indefinitely, you don't have rights at all; only privileges that it temporarily pleases the state to grant you.
No, it can't. However, cars driving on the road and one hundred plus people being loaded into a dangerous missile are two different things. At some point everyone needs to accept the totality of the entire situation. Comparing passenger planes to cars is ridiculous. When many lives are at risk the implied consent is going to be stricter.
The flip side of that is the relative probability of anything going wrong.
Drunk driving causes something like ten thousand deaths a year, and it's a mathematical certainty that there will be drunk drivers on the road pretty much any day of the year- more than usual on some days.
Terrorist hijackings cause fewer deaths- but that's not the important part. What's important is that
the overwhelming majority of passengers are not terrorists. Nor have they given anyone any reason to suspect that they are terrorists.
Grant for the sake of argument that even one terrorist will kill 200 people by getting through security (given the track record of terrorists on planes post-9/11, this is a bit generous to the terrorists). If we're arguing from numbers, that justifies being 200 times more forceful in our TSA search policies than we would be if we were dealing with the risk of a single person being murdered.
Suppose that one person in a hundred shows an anomaly on an X-ray backscatter detector for being funny-shaped; I'd be surprised if it was that low. Suppose that one person getting on a plane in every billion is a terrorist with a bomb; given how many passengers board flights in the US per year that would be about one would-be bomber per year, which is if anything
more frequent than the reality.
So we use those numbers (one in a hundred sets off the detector, one in a billion is a terrorist with a bomb). That means that for every person who sets off the detector, there is a 0.00001% chance they're a terrorist with a bomb. There is a 99.99999% chance that they're just some poor random person who looks funny on a backscatter machine- because of a medical prosthesis, because of a medical condition, because they absent-mindedly forgot something and left it in their pocket, but in any case, someone who is
not a security threat.
Again, we are being 200 times more harsh than we would if it were just a single life at stake here. So it seems logical to treat this person, who has a 0.00001% chance of being a terrorist, much as we would if there were a 0.002% chance of their being a murderer.
So we can treat this as equivalent to a case where we are presented with fifty thousand people, when we know that one of those people will kill someone if allowed to pass through security undetected.
How relevant are the rights of the fifty thousand people in this case? Do you have "probable cause" to engage in intrusive searches of all fifty thousand people to catch one murderer? Or do you need more justification than just the fact that each person has a 0.002% chance of being the murderer?