The problem is that you can't invent a theory to conveniently explain
one thing and then ignore its total failure in other cases. That's the equivalent of firing a rifle blindly at a wall, then drawing a bullseye around the biggest cluster of bullet holes, and claiming you're a good shot because you hit the target so many times.
There are a LOT of explanations, more than anyone can easily count, for why the UK was uniquely placed to have an industrial upsurge in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Among its advantages, off the top of my head and in no particular order:
1) Freedom from being directly pillaged in the Seven Years' War or the Napoleonic Wars. Having armies march back and forth over your country can set back your economy five to ten years quite easily, especially when wasted productivity and loss of able-bodied manpower are factored in.
2) A large maritime trading empire that provided an incentive for mass production of export goods. Heck, arguably
two such empires; the trade with America and the West Indies would have constituted a trade empire in its own right, and then there was the trade with the East Indies and China on top of that.
3) Good internal transportation from previous eras (canals, rivers)
4) A political system that was
just liberal enough that the British public felt no need to openly revolt against their lords and masters, even if it was painfully oppressive in some ways by modern standards.
5) Easy access to rich deposits of coal and iron, in (fairly) easily accessed locations.
Again, this is not an exhaustive list. Nor is this a list of things that existed 100% in Britain and 0% anywhere else. It is a list of several things that various people at various times have pointed out as giving Britain an advantage in industrializing. Combined, it's not hard to see all the numerous factors in play as having given them the 10-20 year head start they historically enjoyed.
So there is no
need to try and take the rich complexity of real history and real economies, and compress it all into this single-axis comparison between "closed" and "open" societies as if there were no other differences between countries. Or as if you could take a society as different and outright
weird compared to the modern era as, say, republican Rome... and easily represent it as "closed" or "open." Or as if this "closed society/open society" discussion hasn't been invoked repeatedly by historians throughout the mid- and late 20th centuries, and is somehow unique to Robinson.
BabelHuber wrote:I forgot this:
Simon_Jester wrote:I mean, I could answer "Spain was technologically backward in the late 18th century due to a mix of causes, France was bankrupted by the monarchy and then wracked by repeated civil and foreign wars, and Prussia was a militarized state without the wealth of pre-existing infrastructure and trade opportunities enjoyed by the British."
At the time of the french revolution, the industrial revolution in England already has progressed quite far. When Napopeon blocked imports from England to continental Europe, factories were founded e.g. in Prussia, e.g. for cloth fabrication. After the import ban, most of them went out of business again because they couldn't compete with England-made products.
Note that a number of the causes I speak of are explicitly referencing the
late 18th century. For example, France and Prussia (among others) fought a very intense land war between 1754 and 1763, which resulted in considerable economic damage in Germany. This was a factor before the French Revolution and before Napoleon.
Combine that with the fact that most of Germany remained politically divided until 1870, and it takes very little else to explain why Germany did not become a viable industrial competitor against Britain until the 1880s or 1890s.
France, likewise, had multiple rounds of bloody revolution and war between the late 1780s and the 1810s, including heavy military casualties and multiple rounds of invasions. Its sea trade had been repeatedly cut off and strangled not just during that war but during
multiple previous naval wars between it and Britain, with the result that while metropolitan France was large and prosperous, the French overseas empire was tiny by comparison.
Freedom from pillaging and random destruction is a
very important factor in determining a state's ability to play a leading role in economic growth. This is especially true when development aid is not going to be available.
Spain, on the other hand, had
never been an industrial powerhouse; its prominence in European affairs in the 1500s and 1600s was the product of its excellent soldiers (part of a warrior-class that evolved in medieval times), and the ability of those soldiers to secure large supplies of gold and silver in the New World which made Spain artificially wealthy
So I think one has to look at the end of the 17th century/ beginning of the 18th century, where the industrial revolution started.
France was trying its state-controlled 'mercantilism' at this time. Prussia was an army backed by an agricultural country.
If we go back to the early 1700s we are in decidedly pre-industrial times. We're also far enough back that Prussia consisted entirely of what was, geopolitically, mostly a territory carved out of Eastern Europe and in particular Poland-Lithuania. At which point it is hardly surprising, in historical context, that they would be "an army backed by an agricultural country;" the same could be said of Czarist Russia with reasonable accuracy up through the 19th century.
Spain was a backwater because its kings lived from the gold and silver of South America for centuries, thereby neglecting internal advancements in Spain itself.
Spain had no comparative advantage in any particular field of economic growth; arguably this is a counterexample to the entire notion of comparative advantage because it shows what happens if you do nothing but cultivate the thing you do best while the world evolves and changes around you.
England already was much more advanced during this time, expecially regarding the predictability of legal decisions and the high level of investment security. This development started with the Magna Charta in 1215.
So how do you account for the fact that the Dutch
didn't become a dominant power in continental Europe? They were about as major a commercial powerhouse as England in the 1600s, but the 1700s saw their influence wane. What did they do 'wrong' if we assume that everything hinges on whether a society is economically open or closed?
Robinson calls this 'inclusiveness', and it seems sound to me.
Calling it 'inclusiveness' is absurd. Now, it's not fundamentally wrong as such to say that a predictable legal code and a strong mercantile class are good for a society's economic growth- but this is hardly a new idea. Nor is it an idea unique to Robinson.
But he went way overboard in applying this to ancient Rome, China and whatnot.
Well that's the thing.
If
all Robinson says is that Britain's industrial development from 1750 to 18?? was aided by certain legal and economic institutions, then he's not wrong... But he's also not saying anything people haven't said before, repeatedly, and probably better than he has.
When he tries to generalize this theory, though, it becomes a bad joke.
Which suggests that Robinson isn't really telling us anything of note.