Flagg wrote:They work now? As in, they work in tests that aren't rigged for the General's pleasure anymore? That alone surprises me and I guess it's a good thing... Sort of.
They work in tests that are fairly honestly intended to, y'know,
test the system. Even the General would like to know that his very expensive missile interceptors can actually intercept a missile before it falls on his head and blows him up, after all.
IMO unless you can, like you said, knock down everything the Russians can throw at everyone then they are pointless provocation. Anyway, it's my understanding that ABM systems are far more effective against a small scale launch, so basically against North Korea and maybe one day Iran.
Yes. It's like this:
To shoot down one missile you fire, say, two or three antimissiles.
To shoot down one thousand missiles, you fire, say, two or three
thousand antimissiles.
So obviously, if you're willing to spring for only a few dozen antimissiles (the current state of American ballistic missile defense)... you aren't going to be shooting down a thousand-missile attack.
It's not so much that ABM systems are ineffective against a large attack
as such, it's just that if the enemy is going to launch a huge number of missiles you need an even huger number of antimissiles to anti those missiles before they fall on you. We haven't paid for those missiles yet.
Sanctions are the way to go IMO, and hopefully they weaken Putin as much as they weaken the Russian economy, rather than strengthen Putin's grip on power because he will just blame "The West" and nothing strengthens a rulers power than an existential threat. That's my 2 cents (and it's probably worth less than that).
How do you feel about Duchess' remarks that the sanctions, so long as China does not participate, will predictably fail to have the desired effect and may "inoculate" Russia against the threat of sanctions in response to a Russian escalation?
She's probably right. I pretty much meant and mean "political solutions" because "we must do
something" after all.
And I think the least stupid thing to do politically, is ratchet up sanctions, to what degree, I do not know.
As for an actual solution? Beyond coming to the realization that at best we'll have 2 brand spanking new partitioned states in Europe (that Crimea will not be a part of) and that there isn't a goddamned thing we can do short of sparking off a war that could possibly go nuclear over parts of Ukraine and Georgia that largely want to be part of the Russian Federation, anyway... I got no clue beyond just sitting down all parties and force them to negotiate an agreement with Russia while Russia "has their hand on a gun sitting directly in front of them". Which basically means, "Force Ukraine and Georgia to eat shit". So I guess that would be appeasement? In any case it should be made clear to Russia that that's as far as it goes, mainly by adjusting exactly which countries get the bulk of NATO troops stationed in them.[/quote]Thank you for addressing the question. [nods]
Thanas wrote:Yes, sure, I get that. But what seems to be missing there is that during the Cuban crisis the idiot in charge of the US bomber command (Butcher LeMay) was arguing for war. And without the action of one soviet submarine officer (who I believe you used to quote in your sig) it might just as well have gone all up in mushrooms. Point is, this system works perfectly well unless it doesn't. And the sample size is way to small to argue that it is guaranteed to work every time, which is not acceptable to me given the risks.
Two points that militate against each other, followed by a third about the historical record.
1) The Cuban Missile Crisis predates, and in large part
caused, the rise of measures such as I described a post or two ago:
"But [the risk of nuclear war breaking out is...] not [decided by] pure blind chance, especially when both sides take certain reasonable steps to reduce the probability of a random crisis blowing up in their faces. Such as having a presidential hotline between the nations, such as getting together and actually negotiating the partition of a territory the two sides might want to fight over, rather than just posturing and squabbling and sending 'advisors' to shoot at each other."
Unfortunately,
right now we are 'posturing and squabbling and sending 'advisors' to shoot at each other.'
2) In fairness, the risk of a nuclear war is always non-zero, no matter how you arrange matters. Even now the risk of a nuclear war between the US/NATO powers and Russia isn't
zero, even if it is vanishingly small.
The main question is, what is the actual risk of such a war happening, versus what are the costs of allowing the status quo to remain in place?
3) LeMay's main argument for war was that he expected the Soviets to use a well armed base in Cuba to launch a nuclear surprise attack on the US that would render it unable to fight back effectively. Especially since at this time the US nuclear deterrent still relied overwhelmingly on the Strategic Air Command's bombers, a significant fraction of which would be wiped out on the ground in such an attack. I would not call this lunacy, even if his concern was misplaced now that we have access to the actual thoughts of the Politburo at the time (which he did not).
Of course, one can easily see how a Russian counterpart of LeMay might see NATO forces stationed in the Ukraine the same way.
Simon_Jester wrote:How do you feel about Duchess' remarks that the sanctions, so long as China does not participate, will predictably fail to have the desired effect and may "inoculate" Russia against the threat of sanctions in response to a Russian escalation?
I would argue that you are vastly overstating the current importance of China to Russia and vice versa. As it stands now, the Russian economy is being hit very hard (just four days ago they announced figures of 17% inflation, real wages being decreased by 10%, economy contraction of -3%). And that is without adding the cost of keeping eastern Ukraine and Crimea supplied with food and electricity which will come to hit Crimea real hard soon. China will not ride to the rescue of the Russian economy..[/quote]The argument she advanced did not appear to be "China will rescue the Russian economy," so much as "China will allow the Russian economy to limp along in a half-crippled state while the crisis continues, until such time as Chinese economic growth and (possibly) declining Russian standards of 'acceptable economic conditions' remove the effectiveness of the sanctions."
Do you feel that your counterargument is strong enough to negate the second form of the argument, as well as the first?
Thanas wrote:Stas Bush wrote:Thanas wrote:I would argue that you are vastly overstating the current importance of China to Russia and vice versa. As it stands now, the Russian economy is being hit very hard (just four days ago they announced figures of 17% inflation, real wages being decreased by 10%, economy contraction of -3%).
Surely you must be joking with your 'very hard' bit? Russia in the 1990s had hyperinflation, 50% poverty, barter trade and barter wages (I could go into details), child malnourishment and an economic contraction of 50 to 60% of GDP. And guess what? It's
still there.
Of course it still is there and it will IMO always be there. But what happens here is that the west is determined to make Russia pay with sanctions, and pay they will. Are the sanctions hitting as hard as the collapse of the Soviet/Russian economy? No and I very much doubt that this is the goal of them. Nobody in the west wants a total economic collapse of Russia.
If the sanctions do not cause the Russian economy to collapse, is there any meaningful sense in which they accomplish the desired goal? If they cannot force the Russians to abandon their claims in Crimea and the Donets basin, the sanctions will continue indefinitely without actually changing anything, and their secondary effects will be entirely negative.
I mean, this is starting to sound like the US sanctions against Cuba- which assuredly made the US 'pay' for nefariously remaining communist. But if anything this made the situation in Cuba worse and made it
actively harder for anything like an end to communism in Cuba to happen.