Broomstick wrote: ↑2022-12-12 03:35am
Thank you for that summary.
Of course the aristocracy sees a world where the peasants own nothing and must labor endlessly for their "betters" as utopia. No doubt they will be shocked to discover that the peasants themselves have a different viewpoint.
I doubt very much that the people hailing this dispossed future will be delighted that when they're away from home someone is holding a meeting in their living room when this state of affairs actually comes to pass.
So this is where we get to Marxism.
Marx, first of all, was not a fan of the idea that revolutions led predominantly by the peasantry could produce a postcapitalist society. From 1874's
Conspectus On Bakunin's Statism & Anarchy :
https://redsails.org/marx-on-bakunin/
A radical social revolution depends on certain definite historical conditions of economic development as its precondition. It is also only possible where with capitalist production the industrial proletariat occupies at least an important position among the mass of the people. And if it is to have any chance of victory, it must be able to do immediately as much for the peasants as the French bourgeoisie, mutatis mutandis, did in its revolution for the French peasants of that time. A fine idea, that the rule of labour involves the subjugation of land labour! But here Mr. Bakunin’s innermost thoughts emerge. He understands absolutely nothing about the social revolution, only its political phrases. Its economic conditions do not exist for him. As all hitherto existing economic forms, developed or undeveloped, involve the enslavement of the worker (whether in the form of wage-labourer, peasant etc.), he believes that a radical revolution is possible in all such forms alike. Still more! He wants the European social revolution, premised on the economic basis of capitalist production, to take place at the level of the Russian or Slavic agricultural and pastoral peoples, not to surpass this level […] The will, and not the economic conditions, is the foundation of his social revolution.
Russia, in 1917, had a population of 125 millions, of which approximately 29 millions were waged laborers collecting salaries from capitalists. The overwhelming majority were land-bonded peasants or small craftsmen not engaged in market exchange as their primary source of livelihood. This was even more true of China in 1949.
So these societies did not meet the "certain definite historical conditions of economic development " Marx says are necessary for a "radical social revolution". What conditions are those, then? As I've mentioned, from
The German Ideology :
https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/w ... /ch01a.htm
This “alienation” (to use a term which will be comprehensible to the philosophers) can, of course, only be abolished given two practical premises. For it to become an “intolerable” power, i.e. a power against which men make a revolution, it must necessarily have rendered the great mass of humanity “propertyless,” and produced, at the same time, the contradiction of an existing world of wealth and culture, both of which conditions presuppose a great increase in productive power, a high degree of its development. And, on the other hand, this development of productive forces (which itself implies the actual empirical existence of men in their world-historical, instead of local, being) is an absolutely necessary practical premise because without it want is merely made general, and with destitution the struggle for necessities and all the old filthy business would necessarily be reproduced; and furthermore, because only with this universal development of productive forces is a universal intercourse between men established, which produces in all nations simultaneously the phenomenon of the “propertyless” mass (universal competition), makes each nation dependent on the revolutions of the others, and finally has put world-historical, empirically universal individuals in place of local ones. Without this, (1) communism could only exist as a local event; (2) the forces of intercourse themselves could not have developed as universal, hence intolerable powers: they would have remained home-bred conditions surrounded by superstition; and (3) each extension of intercourse would abolish local communism. Empirically, communism is only possible as the act of the dominant peoples “all at once” and simultaneously, which presupposes the universal development of productive forces and the world intercourse bound up with communism. Moreover, the mass of propertyless workers – the utterly precarious position of labour – power on a mass scale cut off from capital or from even a limited satisfaction and, therefore, no longer merely temporarily deprived of work itself as a secure source of life – presupposes the world market through competition. The proletariat can thus only exist world-historically, just as communism, its activity, can only have a “world-historical” existence. World-historical existence of individuals means existence of individuals which is directly linked up with world history.
This focus on a dispossessed, propertyless global mass is also present in
The Communist Manifesto.
https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/w ... o/ch02.htm
You are horrified at our intending to do away with private property. But in your existing society, private property is already done away with for nine-tenths of the population; its existence for the few is solely due to its non-existence in the hands of those nine-tenths. You reproach us, therefore, with intending to do away with a form of property, the necessary condition for whose existence is the non-existence of any property for the immense majority of society.
These emerging conditions are the ones Marx called for as the precursor to international proletarian revolution. You can't do it in the 19th century, when most of the world is still seni-feudal. You can't do it in the 20th, when most of the world is transitioning out of feudalism (the last remaining Junker estates in Germany weren't dissolved until the end of World War II). You can only start to do it when global competition has begun to immiserate the global working class. Capitalism abolishes private property for most, which is why Marx
could write that
The abolition of private property is therefore by no means identical with communism and communism has seen other socialist theories, such as those of Fourier and Proudhon, rising up in opposition to it, not fortuitously but necessarily, because it is only a particular, one-sided realization of the principle of socialism.
This all occurs within capitalist production for Marx. It is the abolition of capitalism within capitalism.
The argument, in brief, is that you hit a point where to survive the working class of the world, already dispossessed, dispossesses the capitalists of their property and power in turn. And it being too late to wind back the clock, they have no choice but to carry through with the new system.
That, at least, is how I see all this.