False Analogy fallacy. The difference between the B2 and NMD is that the latter is not cost-effective against cheaper countermeasures
Erm, there already are cheap countermeasures for the B-2. Bi-static radar, or a really
powerful radar. Problem is said powerful radars are restricted to naval applications
usually, and Bi-static radar is very difficult to integrate into a cohesive system.
Because of how many missiles and warheads necessary to swamp the system which can be bought with $40 billion.
Then we spend more on interceptors which can be bought and deployed en masse cheaply
once we have the infrastructure in.
Oh really, and where did I claim that? [SBIRS]
Except that's not the source of the cost for NMD.
That sounds like SBIRS is NOT part of NMD, when it clearly is.
Try taking your own advice.
Where's the fun in that
I see were back to your favourite red herring.
You keep saying our opponents can just mass produce said warheads and ICBMs,
while claiming we can't mass produce interceptors, calling it a red herring, the
huuuge discrepancy in pricing between the two.
Denial of an argument does not refute it.
You've said over and over the technology doesn't work, when as far back as the 1960s, we had successfully intercepted RVs in space 13 times with Nike-Zeus. The boosters, sensors, and kill vehicles are nothing exotic, they're proven technology which needs to be integrated into a single system.
I covered that in a post just above this one. Same site says Nike-Zeus intercepted 13 RVs
theoretically (Ie, they passed close enough to be counted as a kill).
And your evidence that I've read any of these books comes from where? Oh, that's right —pulled out of your own ass.
Your arguments are pretty much the same I can read in books I can get from my library's
used book store on "The Star Wars Debate", copyright 1981, 82, or some year within
the Reagan adminsitraiton.
Which has exactly what to do with figures provided by the Congressional Budget Office? I smell another Attacking the Messenger fallacy.
Provide me with a link to the actual report done by the CBO, not the "analysis" done by
those groups, and then I'll change my tune.
I'm not seeing any thing about EC3 there. All I see is a pricetag of just $48 billion for
the most advanced system, not fantastic prices like $118 Billion as your mythical
EC3 system has.
And this ludicrous sidetracking onto the T-64 supports your argument how, exactly...?
The russians deployed immature technology such as autoloaders and gun-launched
ATGMs, and kept on working on them, even though severe problems were encountered
with their first generations, allowing them to totally dominate us with their later
second generation and third generation equipment until we addressed the balance
with the next-generation tanks of the 1980s.
No one else has the capability the T-80 has as far as launching ATGMs through the gun,
as all the advanced stuff like that was kept only for Red Army units, not for puppet states
like Poland, etc. We tried gun-launched missiles in the 1960s too, and we gave up developing it further after the first failure, even though by the end of the service life of the Shiellagh
missile, it was fairly reliable.
This requires some special, arcane knowledge? It's an engineering problem, nothing more.
Funny, both the US and USSR had hellacious problems with MIRVs and getting it to work
properly without screwing up, and leaving six warheads frozen to a ICBM as it plummeted
back into the atmosphere.
Problems which have been solved and for which there is more than a wealth of technical information to work from.
So why can't we keep plugging away on NMD until we solve the problems inherent in it
and gain more technical information on the operation of NMD?
and is more likely to touch off an arms race rather than prevent one.
Funny, I don't see an arms race being launched by our adversaries.
Then you're being very simplistic. Those Topols can be MIRVed rather easily.
Six MIRVs for $50 million vs 10 GBIs for $50 million...hmmm.
Covered that in an earlier post before this.
No you don't, actually.
How are you going to violate the laws of physics then?
See above.
See above.
Which is a Red Herring.
Yet you claim the enemy can produce ICBMs to overwhelm a NMD system for cheeper
than it costs to build NMD, even though GBIs are 1/10th the price of a Topol-M.
Which ignores cost/benefit considerations in any comparison analysis.
Cost=1 Big ticket program
Benefit = Protection against several cities being incinerated by Kim Dong Small
at some point in the future, and removes his nuclear blackmail option; I'd say that
is money better spent than buying Kim Dong Small off again.
I'm afraid it doesn't quite work that way. The more variables the system has to contend with introduces increased degredation of defensive accuracy. And 1000 MIRVed Topols can deliver up to 6000 warheads.
1,000 Topol Ms = $50 Billion. Wow, that's fucking expensive.
Man of Straw.
1,000 Topol Ms = $50 Billion. Wow, that's fucking expensive.
Because Third World countries don't have the financial resources to do any better than SCUD knockoffs. And thanks for introducing yet another irrelevancy into this discussion.
So It's not cheep and easy to produce ICBMs then is it?
Furthermore, therer were legitimate concerns over SDI prompting a more aggressive posture from the US.
Wow, and you needed SDI to tell this? Read FM-100-5, in particular the 1982 Edition.
King of the Killing Zone wrote:
NATO's goal [in 1976] was to end the war with the border unchanged.
The new Army doctrine assumed, on the other hand, that once war had started, the border would cease to exist. As much as possible the war would be fought in the other side's backfield, with deep penetration not only by bombers but by armored forces, paratroops, and helicopter-borne infantry.
"Commanders," the new doctrine said, "need to use the entire depth of the battlefield to strike the enemy and to prevent him from concentrating his firepower or maneuvering his forces to a point of his choice. Commanders also need adequate space for disposition of their forces, for maneuver, and for dispersion."
As far as the future border was concerned, Starry described the Army's new policy this way: "Once political authorities commit military forces in pursuit of political aims, military forces must win something—else there will be no basis from which political authorities can bargain to win politically. Therefore, the purpose of military operations cannot be simply to avert defeat—but rather it must be to win." In other words, move the border eastward. The Red Army could no longer plan an attack and assume that, at worst, it would end up back on the existing border.
The new doctrine was also controversial for the open way in which it considered the possibility, even the likelihood, that both nuclear and chemical weapons would be used in a European war. Not for two decades or more had an Army document dealt so forthrightly with this sensitive issue. Starry, explaining the new doctrine, said that "it would be advantageous to use tactical nuclear and chemical weapons at an early stage and in enemy territory." Soldiers were advised to be prepared, from the first moment, for the use of such weapons by either side.
"By extending the battlefield and integrating conventional, nuclear, chemical and electronic means, forces can exploit enemy vulnerabilities anywhere," the manual advised. "The bat- tle extends from the point of close combat to the forces approaching from deep in the enemy rear. Fighting this way, the U.S. Army can quickly begin offensive action by air and land forces to conclude the battle on its terms."
Chemical weapons cannot, under U.S. policy, be used unless an enemy has used them first. Battlefield nuclear weapons can be used first but not before there has been a release by top political officials of the NATO nations. The new doctrine, by requiring commanders to focus their attention well into the future, provided time to request and obtain authority to use nuclear weapons and to use them far enough in the enemy's rear so they would not endanger friendly troops.
This was too controversial, and in 1986, it was toned down to soothe ruffled feathers in NATO.
Gorbachev was trying to back Reagan into a corner.
Uhm, by offering to destroy *all* of his nukes? Uhm, you back people into a corner by
threatening them, not offering gifts.
Learn the difference between diplomatic posturing and technological reality before you dig a hole for yourself.