The Greatest Battle of Our Time

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Re: The most decisive battles of all time?

Post by revprez »

Frank Hipper wrote:Simplistic.
You disregard the political strategy of the time of having a fleet in being as a bargaining chip. That reasoning was more influential on the Germans not conducting any more sorties than anything else.
And the reasoning behind that political strategy, carried out to its natural conclusion (but not by the Mahanians of that time), is that battle fleet's exists solely to 1) protect themselves and 2) destroy the other battle fleet.

You could argue that losing your battle fleet would represent the loss of a major investment, but that doesn't really affect how well your able to protect crucial war-related shipping or interdict the enemy's, and if you argue that a battle fleet could and should be used precisely for that mission, then you're deviating from Mahan's theory of sea control.
Had a decisive engagement occured, it would have determined the outcome of the war.
The objection is that the meeting of battle fleets is not decisive in determining the outcome of a war if employed according to a strict Mahanian understanding of sea power. If you won't condescend to sending out that fleet to protect merchantmen or interdict them, then whether or not you lose the fleet or destroy the enemy's will do nothing to influence the decision on land.
The U-Boot threat diminished rapidly with the instigation of convoys in 1917. The Allies did a great deal to "change the fact that cross Atlantic shipping was still vulnerable to German U Boats". They virtually negated that vulnerability.
Yes, but not because of Jutland. This is precisely why Mahan is wrong, Corbett was right, and Jutland teaches us nothing. The sea war was fought and decided by submarines and destroyers, not the pointless clash of tonnage and guns at Jutland.
No, you merely assume Mahan is wrong due to the fact that Jutland was indecisive, and submarine commerce warfare was strangling Britain.
Mahan's central thesis is war on the sea is decided by opposing fleets meeting each other in climactic battle. Jutland was such a climactic engagement, and decided nothing.
Neither of which prove Mahan wrong.
If my reading of Mahan's thesis is correct, then see above.
Submarines gave Germany a degree of control of the sea which Britain was impotent in dealing with at first. A situation Mahan did not forsee, but it hardly proves his overall concepts false.
It does about his argument that climactic fleet engagements were central to deciding control of the sea.
He understood that the nation with superior navy was the one that controlled commerce and trade, his entire premise is based on control of the sea.
Yes, but he thought navies decided control of the sea through fleet engagement.
After all, submarines lost control of the sea for Britain, reinstating convoys and advancing ASW techniques restored it.
Right, but this is Corbett's view, not Mahan's.
Just because he saw fleet engagement as the means for gaining that control in no way shows that Jutland, or any other aspect of WWI naval operations, proved him wrong.
Sure it does. See above.
In the absence of any climactic, decisive fleet engagements, your point is moot.
Jutland was such a meeting.
Mahan stressed control, and his historical examples all achieved control through fleet action. You can only blame him for not having the forsight to see the impact of the submarine.
And I can't blame Ptolemy for his lack of foresight in articulating a geocentric view of the universe, that doesn't mean I have to accept his conclusion.
Furthermore, none of his examples relied on imports to the extent that Britain of the early 20th century did. Another failing of Mahan's forsight, but definetly not one for his overall ideas.
Yet his thesis is that pursuit of guerre de course is not worthwhile, only the decisive battle between fleets.
Don't know why I should do your research for you, but the enormous influx of American shipping, the vast number of escort vessels available for the newly organised convoys, and manpower, all resulted in a dramtic decrease in sinkings.
Oh, I see. I thought you were saying there was some sort of major naval action between German submarines and the US Fleet.
Worthless strawman.
British superiority in a fleet vs fleet scenario proves the theories that led to both fleet's creation correct.
Mahan didn't argue that the bigger, badder fleet wins the fleet engagement, a trivial observation, but that the engagement itself was decisive and commerce raiding was not.
The Kaiser's refusal to risk his fleet is another matter entirely, and not entirely dependant on British numerical superiority.
Agreed.
It does? :shock:
Care to try making me a believer?
The Allied war effort on the continent depended on the ability of war-related material to cross the Atlantic. While neither battle fleet doing much of anything before or after Jutland, submarines and destroyers were busy trying to decide whether or not that material would get through.
Yes, it would have.
It would not have occurred as rapidly, but faced with the industrial output of the U.S., the American self reliance on war materials, it was a fait accompli with the first bomb that fell on Pearl Harbor.
Exactly. So Midway decided nothing except how much tonnage would litter the ocean floor.
Mahan was a romantic, short sighted, didn't understand the limitaions of 17th century navies, and was writing in the latter 19th century before technological innovations changed naval combat beyond his imaginings.
Corbett was Mahan's contemporary and was written only 21 years after Sea Power, wrote in a pretty similar style and managed to theoretically capture the subtle notion that guerre d'escadre and guerre de course were interoperable components of naval warfare. As for "technological innovations," Mahan spent page after page decrying countless cases of smaller, weaker navies using commerce raiding to reach decision at sea, like ruling Lake Champlain an anomoly and Yorktown-Virginia Capes a British Blunder.
But whatever faults there are with his tactical concepts, his overall strategic theories stand.
Only insofar as we separate out his argument that the enemy fleet is the primary objective of the Navy.

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Re: The most decisive battles of all time?

Post by Frank Hipper »

revprez wrote:And the reasoning behind that political strategy, carried out to its natural conclusion (but not by the Mahanians of that time), is that battle fleet's exists solely to 1) protect themselves and 2) destroy the other battle fleet.

You could argue that losing your battle fleet would represent the loss of a major investment, but that doesn't really affect how well your able to protect crucial war-related shipping or interdict the enemy's, and if you argue that a battle fleet could and should be used precisely for that mission, then you're deviating from Mahan's theory of sea control.
No, I was arguing that were reasons other than the ones you were stating for the Germans not coming out to meet the British.

The objection is that the meeting of battle fleets is not decisive in determining the outcome of a war if employed according to a strict Mahanian understanding of sea power. If you won't condescend to sending out that fleet to protect merchantmen or interdict them, then whether or not you lose the fleet or destroy the enemy's will do nothing to influence the decision on land.
A strict Mahanian adherance to theories of sea power ignore the political realities of WWI.
Britain, if they'd lost half their fleet at Jutland, would have more than likely started negotiations. The land campaign would have been considered lost due to the simple fact that everything they relied on to wage war on foreign soil would be in crisis.
Yes, but not because of Jutland. This is precisely why Mahan is wrong, Corbett was right, and Jutland teaches us nothing. The sea war was fought and decided by submarines and destroyers, not the pointless clash of tonnage and guns at Jutland.
If the fear of losses had not hobbled the commanders at Jutland, it would have been anything but pointless.
Mahan's central thesis is war on the sea is decided by opposing fleets meeting each other in climactic battle. Jutland was such a climactic engagement, and decided nothing.
Jutland was anticlimax, it's very lack of a decision renders your point about disproving Mahan meaningless.
It does about his argument that climactic fleet engagements were central to deciding control of the sea.
But it does nothing but support that from the viewpoint of a blockaded Germany, unable to send it's shipping out.
And while the Grand Fleet may not have stood on blokade duty itself, it was the force that made the blokade of the German merchant marine and navy possible.

Yes, but he thought navies decided control of the sea through fleet engagement.
The fact that the Germans could not engage the British without fear of losing most of the fleet does not mean that it would have to take an engagement to come to a decision. Obviously, that decision had already been reached.

Sure it does. See above.
Hmmm, ditto. :?

Jutland was such a meeting.
Jutland was neither decisive or climactic. It was anticlimactic and did not change anyone's status.

And I can't blame Ptolemy for his lack of foresight in articulating a geocentric view of the universe, that doesn't mean I have to accept his conclusion.
If Ptolemy was working during the renaiscance, that might work, but it's both a false analogy and a strawman.

Mahan argued fleet action equals control of the sea.
His inability to take into account future poilitical necessity, a cult of preservation of numbers, and technological innovation all conspired to render his tactical understanding of naval warfare obsolete by 1914, but not his strategic concept.

Yet his thesis is that pursuit of guerre de course is not worthwhile, only the decisive battle between fleets.
Which is borne out by the naval campaign of 1914-1918 in the North Sea. Again, the fact that Jutland was indecisive means little, the fact that the British fleet controlled Germany's access to the oceans means everything.
Mahan didn't argue that the bigger, badder fleet wins the fleet engagement, a trivial observation, but that the engagement itself was decisive and commerce raiding was not.
Why should he? Even the recent American Civil War, which gave rise to the modern ideas about commerce raiding provided no evidence for him to think otherwise.
Until 1914, no warring nation had ever relied on import to the extent that Britain did.
And "trivial observation"? You say that and follow it with a statement about decisive engagement? Bigger fleets win, if you want a decision you need the numbers. Hardly a trivial observation...
The Allied war effort on the continent depended on the ability of war-related material to cross the Atlantic. While neither battle fleet doing much of anything before or after Jutland, submarines and destroyers were busy trying to decide whether or not that material would get through.
" While neither battle fleet doing much of anything before or after Jutland..." I believe the British battle fleet was doing a thorough job of keeping the Germans in port.
Control of the sea in the Mahanian sense defined. :wink:
Corbett was Mahan's contemporary and was written only 21 years after Sea Power...
Twenty one years was an eternity at that time, the advances in technology and tactics, design and theory were happening so fast that we have no modern anology. Don't be too fast to discount that seemingly short period of time.
And commerce raiding isn't a technological innovation.
Only insofar as we separate out his argument that the enemy fleet is the primary objective of the Navy.
That depends entirely on who you're fighting.
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Re: The most decisive battles of all time?

Post by revprez »

Frank Hipper wrote:No, I was arguing that were reasons other than the ones you were stating for the Germans not coming out to meet the British.
I didn't address the reasons behind Germany's decision to keep its battle fleet in port for the remainder of the war. Like I said, "that the Germans decided not to risk another dramatic surface fleet engagement with the British is as inconsequental as Jutland itself was to the course of the war." Jutland in no way influenced the course of the war on land.

You argue in this last post that a more dramatic engagement might have pushed the British to negotiations, but this ignores American Rear Admiral William Sims successful efforts after Jutland to convince the British Prime Minister George to circumvent Jellicoe's obsession for a decisive battle at sea to pursue a stronger ASW mission against the U-Boat threat. If Jutland left a sour taste in the British government's mouth when it came to the Mahanians, then it is reasonable to conclude that a larger battle with a German tactical victory would only reinforce Sims' case.

A strict Mahanian adherance to theories of sea power ignore the political realities of WWI.
Correct, and Jellicoe strictly adhered to the Sea Power thesis. The political reality is he was overridden by the Prime Minister.
Britain, if they'd lost half their fleet at Jutland, would have more than likely started negotiations. The land campaign would have been considered lost due to the simple fact that everything they relied on to wage war on foreign soil would be in crisis.
Yes, if Jellicoe had his way and the U-Boat threat went unaddressed. And Mahan argues that such a threat should have little to no impact on the ground. This is precisely where his theory of sea power conflicts with reality.
If the fear of losses had not hobbled the commanders at Jutland, it would have been anything but pointless.
At one point does it become meaningful? Almost two hundred thousand tons of warship is sitting at the bottom of the North Sea.
Jutland was anticlimax, it's very lack of a decision renders your point about disproving Mahan meaningless.
Yes, Jutland was pretty anticlimactic, but it definitely proceeded like Mahan's conception of a climactic fleet engagement.
But it does nothing but support that from the viewpoint of a blockaded Germany, unable to send it's shipping out.
It does when you consider that Jellicoe wanted nothing to do with hunting U-Boats.
And while the Grand Fleet may not have stood on blokade duty itself, it was the force that made the blokade of the German merchant marine and navy possible.
Yes, that is entirely true. I'm not saying that battle fleets are useless or that navies should consist only of commerce raiders and hunters. But if you totally forsake guerre de course because you believe wars are decided by guerre d'escadre, you're a Mahanian who's just been shocked by the Jutland experience. Actually, historically your argument was advanced for another decade or so by Mahanians as actually bearing out his theory--they concluded that the decisive effect of the naval war was the British trapping the High Seas Fleet in port. I haven't read anything that indicates to me why they thought this was central to the course of the war on land, although your speculation about Britain's political options had Jutland been a larger engagement--while historically inaccurate--probably reflects some of their reasoning.
The fact that the Germans could not engage the British without fear of losing most of the fleet does not mean that it would have to take an engagement to come to a decision. Obviously, that decision had already been reached.
Okay, look at this way then. A Mahanian would argue that Jutland should have decided the war on the seas--in fact, they did for about ten years. We know now that if Jutland had never happened, the war on the seas would be decided by the subs and destroyers. We also know that Jutland did happen, and the war on the seas was still decided by subs and destroyers. Mahan's thesis can't survive such blatant proof to the contrary.
Jutland was neither decisive or climactic. It was anticlimactic and did not change anyone's status.
Exactly, which is why Mahan's argument, applied to the Jutland case, would yield a false conclusion.
If Ptolemy was working during the renaiscance, that might work, but it's both a false analogy and a strawman.
Actually you're right. Mahan had historical evidence of the efficacy of commerce raiding in the American experience--evidence that should have made him question his thesis. Ptolemy didn't have anything comparable.
Mahan argued fleet action equals control of the sea.
His inability to take into account future poilitical necessity, a cult of preservation of numbers, and technological innovation all conspired to render his tactical understanding of naval warfare obsolete by 1914, but not his strategic concept.
His concept is that fleet action equals control of the sea. By WWI fleet action was clearly not sufficient to control the sea. In fact, he had a century of American naval history that should have given him pause before he dismissed guerre de course as unnecessary for sea control.
Which is borne out by the naval campaign of 1914-1918 in the North Sea. Again, the fact that Jutland was indecisive means little, the fact that the British fleet controlled Germany's access to the oceans means everything.
By that reasoning, the British need not address a U-Boat threat because it did not exist.
Why should he? Even the recent American Civil War, which gave rise to the modern ideas about commerce raiding provided no evidence for him to think otherwise.
No evidence? Mahan had to argue that Confederate commerce raids were inconsequential to the course of the war to Congressmen who felt otherwise. He won, but not because there was no evidence to support the other side's case. He simply interpreted history to treat commerce raiding as anomolous. Understandable? Yes. But is the fact he made a perfectly understandable mistake in interpreting the value of commerce raiding a reason to consider his concept of sea power valid? No.
Until 1914, no warring nation had ever relied on import to the extent that Britain did.
And until 1914, no war had ever demanded as much material to support an army as WWI did. Nevertheless, the scale of shipping has little to do with the baseline value of shipping to the army receiving supplies across long lines of communications that stretch over entire oceans.
And "trivial observation"? You say that and follow it with a statement about decisive engagement? Bigger fleets win, if you want a decision you need the numbers. Hardly a trivial observation...
All things being equal, the bigger fleet wins. How is that in any way a significant observation?
While neither battle fleet doing much of anything before or after Jutland..." I believe the British battle fleet was doing a thorough job of keeping the Germans in port.
Control of the sea in the Mahanian sense defined. :wink:
Hahaha, true. Of course, you still have that pesky U-Boat problem that is threatening to starve you out of the war. I don't think Prime Minister George was satisfied with Keeping the High Seas Fleet holed up at home.
Twenty one years was an eternity at that time, the advances in technology and tactics, design and theory were happening so fast that we have no modern anology. Don't be too fast to discount that seemingly short period of time.
Point taken.
And commerce raiding isn't a technological innovation.
Never said it was.
That depends entirely on who you're fighting.
Even if that's true, that's not Mahan's thesis.

Damn, this is the best discussion I've had on SD.net yet. :)

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Post by Frank Hipper »

revprez wrote: I didn't address the reasons behind Germany's decision to keep its battle fleet in port for the remainder of the war. Like I said, "that the Germans decided not to risk another dramatic surface fleet engagement with the British is as inconsequental as Jutland itself was to the course of the war." Jutland in no way influenced the course of the war on land.
If you only take into consideration military action, that's true to a certain extent. But not entirely.
If you take into consideration that hundreds of thousands of German civilians starved to death due to the British blokade that went on unabated, it's another story entirely.
If you take into consideration the massive shortages brought about by Germany's merchant marine being blokaded in port for four years, it's another story entirely. These shortages were so severe that German aircraft were being equipped with wooden wheels due to the rubber shortage, for an off the top of my head example.
You argue in this last post that a more dramatic engagement might have pushed the British to negotiations, but this ignores American Rear Admiral William Sims successful efforts after Jutland to convince the British Prime Minister George to circumvent Jellicoe's obsession for a decisive battle at sea to pursue a stronger ASW mission against the U-Boat threat. If Jutland left a sour taste in the British government's mouth when it came to the Mahanians, then it is reasonable to conclude that a larger battle with a German tactical victory would only reinforce Sims' case.
A major British defeat in the North Sea is unrelated to the U-Boat campaign in the Atlantic:
It appears as though you're saying that the British would devote their resources more to ASW operations than the fleet. Which on the surface would appear to be true, but there were no plans for expanding fleet numbers beyond the Hood class, anyway.
Jellicoe's focus may have been on the fleet, but he was far from unconcerned about the U-Boat threat. He simply had different ideas about how to deal with it.
You also ignore the fact that it was Jellicoe relaying his very grave concerns about merchant losses to Sims that opened Sims' eyes to the fact that Britain was in very bad shape.
Correct, and Jellicoe strictly adhered to the Sea Power thesis. The political reality is he was overridden by the Prime Minister.
Jellicoe did not ignore the U-Boat threat. Nor did he not come up with his own ideas on how to counter it, again.
Yes, if Jellicoe had his way and the U-Boat threat went unaddressed.
100% untrue.
And Mahan argues that such a threat should have little to no impact on the ground. This is precisely where his theory of sea power conflicts with reality.
NO ONE could remain grounded in reality and argue that strict adherence to theory, to the exclusion of all situations demanding flexibility, is how wars are fought.
At one point does it become meaningful? Almost two hundred thousand tons of warship is sitting at the bottom of the North Sea.
Neither fleet was incapacitated by Jutland.
Britain lost one modern battlecruiser and two on the verge of obsolescence, tragic losses in life, but inconsequential in terms of matriel.
Germany lost one modern battlecruiser and one pre-dreadnought battleship. Again, even being at the disadvantage she was, she could absorb these losses. Especially Pommern.
German losses in light cruisers was something of a different matter, but not significant to the point of being a major handicap.
Yes, Jutland was pretty anticlimactic, but it definitely proceeded like Mahan's conception of a climactic fleet engagement.
Only in the narrowest definition. Yes, it was a huge fleet engagement, but no one sought to press home their advantages or actually WIN the damned thing.
You can't say that Mahan would promote timid tactics like a "battle turn away together" in furtherance of his theories.
It does when you consider that Jellicoe wanted nothing to do with hunting U-Boats.
100% untrue.
Yes, that is entirely true. I'm not saying that battle fleets are useless or that navies should consist only of commerce raiders and hunters. But if you totally forsake guerre de course because you believe wars are decided by guerre d'escadre, you're a Mahanian who's just been shocked by the Jutland experience. Actually, historically your argument was advanced for another decade or so by Mahanians as actually bearing out his theory--they concluded that the decisive effect of the naval war was the British trapping the High Seas Fleet in port. I haven't read anything that indicates to me why they thought this was central to the course of the war on land, although your speculation about Britain's political options had Jutland been a larger engagement--while historically inaccurate--probably reflects some of their reasoning.
While battle fleets garner more than their fair share of attention and glamor, and Jutland represents to many the end-all be-all of big gun engagements (it wasn't, really. :D ), the fact remains that the fleets were, and are, tools to enable commerce. Something Mahan himself stressed.


It was the British Grand Fleet's overwhelming strength that was the iron fist that enforced the blokade of Germany.

Germany's fleet was unable to meet that challenge, and permit their merchant fleet to sail.

Germany tried the pure guerre de course route, and failed.

Britain won in the North Sea through blokade, enforced by the battlefleet, and, again, there is no better example of the use of fleet action to, err...influence history.

The British denied Germany the ability to engage in commerce with the use of the Grand Fleet. This was of such importance to Germany's failure in the war that it can't be overstated.
Okay, look at this way then. A Mahanian would argue that Jutland should have decided the war on the seas--in fact, they did for about ten years. We know now that if Jutland had never happened, the war on the seas would be decided by the subs and destroyers.
That is a very limited view, subs and destroyers achieved virtually nothing in the defeat of Germany, their achievements were in the defense of Britain. That defensive strategy alowed Britain to continue the war, but Britain's offensive strategy of blokade knocked Germany out of it.
We also know that Jutland did happen, and the war on the seas was still decided by subs and destroyers. Mahan's thesis can't survive such blatant proof to the contrary.
Proof to the contrary only when viewed with a myopic focus on the Atlantic, the defense of British trade, and a complete disregard of of the application of fleet tactics and Germany's being starved through blokade.
Germany's submarines did nothing at all to lift the blokade, and the shortages of strategic materials that it caused were a direct factor leading to her losing the war.
Actually you're right. Mahan had historical evidence of the efficacy of commerce raiding in the American experience--evidence that should have made him question his thesis. Ptolemy didn't have anything comparable.
The Confederate raiders had zero impact on the outcome of the Civil War. Their impact was in drawing dis-proportionate forces away from the theater of action to hunt for them, and to instill fear in insurance companies.
His concept is that fleet action equals control of the sea. By WWI fleet action was clearly not sufficient to control the sea. In fact, he had a century of American naval history that should have given him pause before he dismissed guerre de course as unnecessary for sea control.
Fleet action DID equal control of the sea.
The North Sea. :wink:
To ignore that is to ignore what Britain and Germany saw as the primary theater. And for Germany, Britain's control, through their fleet, was fatal.
By that reasoning, the British need not address a U-Boat threat because it did not exist.
I tried, but I simply do not follow this...
No evidence? Mahan had to argue that Confederate commerce raids were inconsequential to the course of the war to Congressmen who felt otherwise. He won, but not because there was no evidence to support the other side's case. He simply interpreted history to treat commerce raiding as anomolous. Understandable? Yes. But is the fact he made a perfectly understandable mistake in interpreting the value of commerce raiding a reason to consider his concept of sea power valid? No.
The Confederate raider's gains were not material gains. At least not material in causing major disruption of supply due to numbers sunk.
Their gains were primarily psychological. Mahan was correct in his interpretation.
And until 1914, no war had ever demanded as much material to support an army as WWI did. Nevertheless, the scale of shipping has little to do with the baseline value of shipping to the army receiving supplies across long lines of communications that stretch over entire oceans.
Correct, the scale of shipping means nothing here, but the dependance on shipping means everything.
In that, Britain's case in WWI was unprecedented.
All things being equal, the bigger fleet wins. How is that in any way a significant observation?
In a discussion of fleet action and it's impact in WWI, numerical superiority ruled German thought. It was as much a factor of Germany's refusal to sortie as anything else. Very significant.
Hahaha, true. Of course, you still have that pesky U-Boat problem that is threatening to starve you out of the war. I don't think Prime Minister George was satisfied with Keeping the High Seas Fleet holed up at home.
Considering that the U-Boats did nothing to prevent the collapse of Germany, British satisfaction in keeping the HSF bottled up in port, along with nearly all other shipping, is warranted.
Never said it was.
Actually...
revprez wrote: As for "technological innovations," Mahan spent page after page decrying countless cases of smaller, weaker navies using commerce raiding to reach decision at sea, like ruling Lake Champlain an anomoly and Yorktown-Virginia Capes a British Blunder.
Even if that's true, that's not Mahan's thesis.
Which, again, begs the question of who is suicidal enough to rely solely on theory in time of war?
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Post by revprez »

Frank Hipper wrote:If you only take into consideration military action, that's true to a certain extent. But not entirely.
If you take into consideration that hundreds of thousands of German civilians starved to death due to the British blokade that went on unabated, it's another story entirely.
If you take into consideration the massive shortages brought about by Germany's merchant marine being blokaded in port for four years, it's another story entirely. These shortages were so severe that German aircraft were being equipped with wooden wheels due to the rubber shortage, for an off the top of my head example.
A damn good point, but not one without an answer. If I may digress.

Mahan's thesis shares something in common with the ideas expressed by his hard-to-admit-any-influence intellectual protege, Giulio Douhet. The blockade in Mahan's view is strikingly similar to Douhet's view of the strategic bombing mission. The target was the enemy's economy, under the impression that choking the enemy populace's access to goods will force your adversary to concede the battlefield. Both Mahan and Douhet are partly right; depending on the self-sufficiency of the society being blockaded or hit from the air, in the end the enemy's economy will no longer sustain the war effort. Where both Mahan and Douhet go wrong is to say that wars are decided alone by fleet engagements which determine whether blockades hold or break and the strategic bombing of non-military targets. Just as we Jutland concludes nothing regarding the campaign in the North Atlantic, strategic bombing aimed at the Axis economies did far less to affect the land war than unrestricted submarine warfare. The blockade of Germany did little to change the balance of forces at the front. The stalemate persisted until the Americans added decisively to the strength of the Allies.

Corbett argued, much like modern air power theorists, that interdiction of material directly related to the war effort could and would prove so effective in the short term that long term strategies aimed at starving the enemy would collapse against a successful campaign against a maritime power's commerce.
A major British defeat in the North Sea is unrelated to the U-Boat campaign in the Atlantic:
It appears as though you're saying that the British would devote their resources more to ASW operations than the fleet. Which on the surface would appear to be true, but there were no plans for expanding fleet numbers beyond the Hood class, anyway.
Right, but below the surface is a struggle between Mahanians in Jellicoe's camp, new thinkers in Sims camp, and Parliament--which is more interested in coming out ahead than in debating theories of sea power.
Jellicoe's focus may have been on the fleet, but he was far from unconcerned about the U-Boat threat. He simply had different ideas about how to deal with it.
Granted, my dismissal was simplistic.
You also ignore the fact that it was Jellicoe relaying his very grave concerns about merchant losses to Sims that opened Sims' eyes to the fact that Britain was in very bad shape.
Granted, Jellicoe did call on Sims. But then again, he didn't listen to him much.
Jellicoe did not ignore the U-Boat threat. Nor did he not come up with his own ideas on how to counter it, again.
Not his own ideas. Essentially he was forced to by events and politics to put Sims and some British officers together to come up with a defense. He was still predisposed to scoff at the necessity of an ASW mission.
NO ONE could remain grounded in reality and argue that strict adherence to theory, to the exclusion of all situations demanding flexibility, is how wars are fought.
Well, Jellicoe came pretty damned close. British Mahanians hoped they could find the decisive battle at sea necessary to force the Germans to concede control of the sea. Now they lost Jutland, but if the ratio had gone the British way you have to ask yourself how long it would take for Jellicoe to pursue an ASW mission.
Neither fleet was incapacitated by Jutland.
Granted.
Britain lost one modern battlecruiser and two on the verge of obsolescence, tragic losses in life, but inconsequential in terms of matriel.
Germany lost one modern battlecruiser and one pre-dreadnought battleship. Again, even being at the disadvantage she was, she could absorb these losses. Especially Pommern. German losses in light cruisers was something of a different matter, but not significant to the point of being a major handicap.
BTW, are you also reading from Sea Power: A Naval History from the Naval Institute Press?
Only in the narrowest definition. Yes, it was a huge fleet engagement, but no one sought to press home their advantages or actually WIN the damned thing. You can't say that Mahan would promote timid tactics like a "battle turn away together" in furtherance of his theories.
No, but he might try and rationalize Jutland's outcome in the same manner you have, by declaring the action a success in that the blockade was sustained, despite the fact that the blockade was bleeding the Kaiser's economy so slowly that it did nothing to impact the German war effort. I also think he would've been more reluctant to "waste" money on an ASW mission than Jellicoe.
100% untrue.
No, it is true. Jellicoe did finally put a convoy system in place but only after he was circumvented by Prime Minister George. He had absolutely no idea about what to do with the threat before Sims got the Prime Minister to get him his attention again.
While battle fleets garner more than their fair share of attention and glamor, and Jutland represents to many the end-all be-all of big gun engagements (it wasn't, really. :D ), the fact remains that the fleets were, and are, tools to enable commerce. Something Mahan himself stressed.
Of course. But he recognized only blockades and considered the interdiction mission with contempt.
It was the British Grand Fleet's overwhelming strength that was the iron fist that enforced the blokade of Germany.

Germany's fleet was unable to meet that challenge, and permit their merchant fleet to sail.

Germany tried the pure guerre de course route, and failed.
Only because the British finally addressed it. Guerre de course is as successful only as the opposition is bad at defending against it.
Britain won in the North Sea through blokade, enforced by the battlefleet, and, again, there is no better example of the use of fleet action to, err...influence history.
Yet Britain could have lost the Atlantic and control of the sea if they didn't break from Mahan to address the U Boat threat.
The British denied Germany the ability to engage in commerce with the use of the Grand Fleet. This was of such importance to Germany's failure in the war that it can't be overstated.
Only because the German U Boat threat was addressed. Germany was hindering the British war effort with far greater success on the high seas than Britain was by blockading the economy of a continental power.
That is a very limited view, subs and destroyers achieved virtually nothing in the defeat of Germany, their achievements were in the defense of Britain. That defensive strategy alowed Britain to continue the war, but Britain's offensive strategy of blokade knocked Germany out of it.
I disagree. Destroyers took out Germany's weapon to break the Brits on the mainland. Had the convoy system not been adopted so successfully by the British, unrestricted submarine warfare very well could have spelled the death for Britain's war effort as it would do for Japan twenty years later--blockade or no. The United States decisively broke the backs of the Japanese war machine; the British did not for the Germans.
Proof to the contrary only when viewed with a myopic focus on the Atlantic...
Not myopic when you consider the most direct lifeline to British troops deployed on the mainland accessible to the German navy was the Channel and the Atlantic.
...the defense of British trade, and a complete disregard of of the application of fleet tactics and Germany's being starved through blokade.
The blockade strategy worked so slowly that its effect is negligible. If Jutland's significance is that it sustained a blockade that won the war for the British, it would be the first time in history a blockade was credited for such a victory.
Germany's submarines did nothing at all to lift the blokade, and the shortages of strategic materials that it caused were a direct factor leading to her losing the war.
See above comments about the efficacy of blockades.
The Confederate raiders had zero impact on the outcome of the Civil War.
Will guerre de course alone win wars for you against a major power that shares the same continent with you and industrially outperforms your economy? No. But will it delay the inevitable? Arguably it did during the Civil War for the reason you outline below and one other--the Conferates crippled the Federal merchant fleet. Now take two more or less evenly industrially matched states, one a martime power and another not far behind it and a continental power with a vicious predilection for unrestricted warfare. If Mahanians won the argument with Sims, the convoy system wasn't introduced, and the Americans never entered the war, is it conceivable that Germany could have beating Britain and France without having addressed the blockade? Not only is it conceivable, the German Admiralty still believed in January 1917, before the Americans stepped in, that they could sink enough tonnage to force the British to surrender even after the convoy system was adopted.
Their impact was in drawing dis-proportionate forces away from the theater of action to hunt for them, and to instill fear in insurance companies.
See above.
Fleet action DID equal control of the sea.
The North Sea. :wink:
Hahaha...okay, granted. Blockading the North Sea was dangerous to the Germans, but not nearly as dangerous as unrestricted submarine warfare in the Atlantic was to the British. With submarines, even after the convoy system had been adopted, the Germans managed to level the playing field on the continent.
To ignore that is to ignore what Britain and Germany saw as the primary theater. And for Germany, Britain's control, through their fleet, was fatal.
Yet as we both know the fact that the North Sea was the primary theater does not mean that the war at sea couldn't lost elsewhere or that the Germans and Brits were entirely blind to the fact--despite Jellicoe's reluctance to see that way.
I tried, but I simply do not follow this...
If the British blockade meant everything, it would have been entirely successful in containing the fleet. However, submarines are not only blockade runners and commerce raiders, but they threatened to utterly frustrate the British on the mainland with a guerre de course defeat in the Atlantic. Therefore, if the blockade is successful and means everything, the U Boat doesn't exist. ;)
The Confederate raider's gains were not material gains. At least not material in causing major disruption of supply due to numbers sunk.
And that almost all the war material the Union needed was already on the continent.
Their gains were primarily psychological. Mahan was correct in his interpretation.
What Mahan failed to do was ask himself what would have happened if the Confederate raiders never existed.
Correct, the scale of shipping means nothing here, but the dependance on shipping means everything.
Quite right, but every army with lines of communications stretching over the sea is dependant to some extent on those lines.
In that, Britain's case in WWI was unprecedented.
Good point, and Mahan would've been right to conclude that commerce raiding could not have decided victory in the Confederate favor for exactly the same reason Corbett could not do so for the blockade of Germany. And arguably because the dependancy on the sea as a lifeline for the troops deployed across the water was greater than in the previous century, Mahan may not have seen the significance of prior commerce raiding campaigns. But why did Corbett, who wrote his principles down before WWI as well and looked at the same examples as Mahan, perceive the value of guerre de course?
In a discussion of fleet action and it's impact in WWI, numerical superiority ruled German thought. It was as much a factor of Germany's refusal to sortie as anything else. Very significant.
Oh, I see what you're getting at. Granted.
Considering that the U-Boats did nothing to prevent the collapse of Germany, British satisfaction in keeping the HSF bottled up in port, along with nearly all other shipping, is warranted.
The U Boats are interdictors, an offensive weapon, not a defensive one.
Actually...
revprez wrote: As for "technological innovations," Mahan spent page after page decrying countless cases of smaller, weaker navies using commerce raiding to reach decision at sea, like ruling Lake Champlain an anomoly and Yorktown-Virginia Capes a British Blunder.
My bad. I should've wrote "smaller, weaker ships used for..."
Which, again, begs the question of who is suicidal enough to rely solely on theory in time of war?
Arguably Jellicoe, if he had won Jutland.
Flattery may get you everywhere, but only if you're trying to get in my pants. :lol:
Oh Lord, sorry man. Batting for the other team, and I'm a firm believer in using exits only as exits. :)

BTW, if this discussion had been cut out of this thread, is OT where it would still be most appropriate?

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Post by Frank Hipper »

While this has most definetly become very interesting, it's come a long way from "Jutland disproves Mahan".

It seems more like you're arguing that WWI in a broad sense disproves him which, all things considered, really can't be argued. And his obvious failings are something I hinted at earlier.

But the naval war in the North Sea, and Jutland, do represent his concepts in a favorable light, if not outright prove them, yes?

And OT is indeed the place for these sort of historical hoo-haws, to answer your question. :wink:
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Post by revprez »

Frank Hipper wrote:While this has most definetly become very interesting, it's come a long way from "Jutland disproves Mahan".
Indeed.
It seems more like you're arguing that WWI in a broad sense disproves him which, all things considered, really can't be argued. And his obvious failings are something I hinted at earlier.
This is quite possible. It's gotten so long that I'm gonna have to read through all the exchanges to summarize every point.
But the naval war in the North Sea, and Jutland, do represent his concepts in a favorable light, if not outright prove them, yes?
From one perspective, the one you outlined, yes. Corbett those would look at the Atlantic and say "hey, Mahan! Check this shit out!"
And OT is indeed the place for these sort of historical hoo-haws, to answer your question. :wink:
Cool. Perhaps SD.net would benefit from an "historical vs." forum. :)

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